Sector
Transportation
With a population exceeding 280 million people, Indonesia relies heavily on a robust transportation network encompassing sea, air, and land routes to connect its vast island chain and facilitate economic activity effectively. This reliance has made the transportation sector a leading sector in the country.
View moreTransportation
With a population exceeding 280 million people, Indonesia relies heavily on a robust transportation network encompassing sea, air, and land routes to connect its vast island chain and facilitate economic activity effectively. This reliance has made the transportation sector a leading sector in the country.
In 2022, the sector contributed Rp 983 trillion to the national gross domestic product (GDP) at current prices. Notably, regions where transportation is a leading sector include Aceh, West Sumatra, Bengkulu, Lampung, West Java, the Special Region of Yogyakarta, and Central Kalimantan. Additionally, North Kalimantan, Gorontalo, North Sulawesi, Maluku, East Nusa Tenggara, and Bangka-Belitung consider the transportation sector as a leading sector.
The sector has also experienced a significant boost in recent years, with the transportation and warehousing subsector achieving a staggering GDP growth of 15.93 percent year-on-year (YoY) in the first quarter of 2023.
During the COVID-19 pandemic, Indonesia’s auto industry was severely affected, leading to a decline in both vehicle sales and production. Despite this decline, the transportation sector as a whole continued to attract foreign direct investments (FDI). In 2023, foreign companies poured roughly US$2 billion into the country’s vehicle and other transportation subsectors, highlighting the continued potential that investors see in this sector.
In terms of land transportation, infrastructure projects supporting rail transport such as the Light Rail Transit (LRT), started operations in mid-August 2023. Additionally, the development of Phase 2 of the Mass Rapid Transit (MRT) Jakarta, which includes new routes, is currently underway, with 6 kilometers already completed out of a total of 13.3 kilometers. Moreover, railway transportation saw a year-on-year increase of 69.37 percent in the number of passengers nationwide.
Sea transportation is also an important subsector of the transportation industry, primarily due to the trade sector’s heavy dependence on this mode of transportation. It is highly favored for its perceived economic efficiency in transporting goods. Although sea transport may not be the main method of transportation for many individuals, the number of passengers using sea transport in 2023 increased by 13.30 percent compared to the previous year.
Furthermore, air travel in Indonesia continues to rise with the increase in economic activity. The number of passengers using domestic air transportation increased by 32.69 percent year-on-year. Additionally, Soekarno Hatta International Airport has surpassed Singapore’s Changi Airport to become Southeast Asia's busiest airport in April 2024. According to reports, the airport's flight seat capacity has also reached 3.34 million, the highest among airports in the Southeast Asia region.
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Finance Minister Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa's decision to reverse course on the placement of the budget surplus balance (SAL) warrants closer scrutiny. While the move may reflect policymakers' willingness to respond to changing market conditions, it also raises a more fundamental question: Does frequent policy recalibration strengthen confidence by demonstrating flexibility, or does it undermine the certainty that the financial system depends on?
The funds were never simply idle cash. Since September 2025, the Finance Ministry had gradually placed SAL in five state-owned banks to strengthen liquidity and sustain credit growth amid tightening financial conditions. By March 2026, the placement had reached Rp 376 trillion (US$21 billion). Three months later, however, the government began transferring part of the funds back to Bank Indonesia while also seeking to strengthen fiscal-monetary coordination in support of the rupiah. Yet the strategy quickly revealed its limits.
The reversal is particularly striking because it occurred at a time when Indonesia's banking sector appeared fundamentally sound. Credit growth accelerated to 11.5 percent year-on-year in May 2026, supported by strong deposit growth and ample system-wide liquidity, while Bank Indonesia remained confident that lending would continue expanding within its target range of 8 to 12 percent this year.
Yet aggregate indicators often conceal how individual institutions manage their funding. Over the previous year, SAL had evolved from a temporary fiscal placement into a stable source of liquidity for state-owned banks, becoming embedded in their funding and lending strategies. The longer the placement remained in place, the more difficult it became to unwind.
When the funds were withdrawn, the issue was not the resilience of Indonesia's banking system, but the adjustment required of banks that had come to rely on what was always intended to be a temporary arrangement. In that sense, the withdrawal did more than tighten liquidity. It exposed the gap between policy design and operational reality.
That dependence became apparent almost immediately. State-owned banks reportedly warned that funding conditions had tightened much faster than anticipated. Purbaya himself later acknowledged that once the funds were withdrawn, Himbara banks had "become dry" and had effectively run out of funding to support lending. Within days, Deputy Finance Minister Juda Agung announced that Rp 281 trillion would be returned to Himbara banks and that the placement would be extended through December, with an additional Rp 100 trillion held in reserve.
It is unusual for a finance minister to acknowledge the shortcomings of a policy so quickly. It is even rarer for those shortcomings to require an almost immediate policy reversal. Purbaya's remarks suggest that what had initially been presented as routine coordination between fiscal and monetary authorities had underestimated the extent to which the banking system had absorbed the government's liquidity injections.
More fundamentally, the government's handling of SAL raises broader questions about both fiscal discipline and institutional responsibilities. By design, SAL is an accumulated fiscal buffer, intended to provide flexibility during periods of economic stress rather than serve as a recurring policy instrument. Its growing use to support banking liquidity risks turning an emergency reserve into a substitute for more durable fiscal solutions, relying on accumulated surpluses rather than addressing the structural imbalance between government revenues and expenditures.
At the same time, the policy blurred the distinction between fiscal and monetary responsibilities. While the Finance Ministry is responsible for managing the government's cash position, maintaining system-wide liquidity is fundamentally the mandate of Bank Indonesia. Large fiscal cash movements will inevitably affect banking liquidity, but managing those effects should primarily rely on the central bank's monetary toolkit rather than repeated shifts in government deposits. The need to reverse the withdrawal within days suggests that the transition was not fully calibrated to the operational realities of the banking system.
The real lesson from the SAL reversal is not simply about the rupiah or bank liquidity. It is about policymaking itself. Good intentions are not enough if implementation is overlooked. Markets expect governments to make difficult decisions, but they also expect those decisions to be carefully thought through. In the end, successful economic policy is measured not only by where it aims to go, but also by whether it can get there without having to turn back.
