Sector

Trading

Indonesia, a developing country rich in natural resources and boasting the 4th largest population in the world, maintains an extensive trade presence. In 2023, the national trade balance reached US$480.7 billion, having grown significantly compared to the pre-pandemic period in 2019, when it stood at US$338.96 billion. Moreover, as of March 2024, the country has officially recorded a trade balance surplus for its 47th consecutive month.

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Trading

Indonesia, a developing country rich in natural resources and boasting the 4th largest population in the world, maintains an extensive trade presence. In 2023, the national trade balance reached US$480.7 billion, having grown significantly compared to the pre-pandemic period in 2019, when it stood at US$338.96 billion. Moreover, as of March 2024, the country has officially recorded a trade balance surplus for its 47th consecutive month.

In terms of exports, Indonesia’s top export commodity has historically been mineral-based fuels, especially coal. However, in the global market, Indonesia is a superpower in the exports of vegetable oils, particularly palm oil, having captured roughly 20 percent of the market with a total export value of US$35.2 billion in 2022. Behind that, Indonesia also leads in nickel exports, with a total export value reaching US$5.8 trillion or 14 percent of global exports.

In 2023, China emerged as Indonesia’s top partner for both exports and imports, with a total annual value of US$62.3 billion and US$62.2 billion, respectively. Meanwhile, the nation’s next top export destination is the US, with a total annual value of US$ 23.2 billion, while the next top import country of origin is Japan, with a total annual value of US$ 16.4 billion.

For trades on the level of individual consumers, the main driver of growth has been the rise in e-commerce throughout the past few years. E-commerce gross market value (GMV) grew by 20 percent from US$48 billion in 2021 to US$58 billion in 2022. This growth persisted to 2023, as e-commerce GMV grew by 7 percent to US$62 billion. E-commerce grew rapidly as it provided a means for Indonesian consumers to maintain access to goods and services during the pandemic period of 2020-2022. However, by the time the pandemic ended, e-commerce had grown ubiquitous and became a staple in the day-to-day lives of the average Indonesian.

Meanwhile, the domestic retail sector in Indonesia is driven by the sale of automotives. The retail of automotives alone in the country reached a gross domestic product (GDP) of US$174.35 billion in 2023, contributing to roughly 13.53 percent of Indonesia’s total GDP of US$1.3 trillion for that year at current market prices. Moreover, the country also achieved a per capita GDP of US$ 4,919.

Strong trade growth followed by increasing access to goods has bolstered local consumer confidence in Indonesia despite the period of uncertainty throughout 2023. According to Bank Indonesia’s monthly consumer confidence survey, Indonesians entered 2024 with high confidence, with the confidence index rising from 123.8 in December 2023 to 125.0 in January 2024. Moreover, this increase is even higher compared to same period the previous year, as a consumer confidence index of 123.0 was recorded for January 2023.

Latest News

October 5, 2026

Indonesia has once again been forced to confront an uncomfortable question: What happens to the principle of equality before the law once the courtroom doors close?

The question has resurfaced with renewed urgency following a Sept. 23 inspection by the Indonesian Ombudsman at Cibinong Penitentiary in West Java, which uncovered what appeared to be a cluster of well-appointed private residences built directly inside the prison complex. Footage of the unannounced visit quickly went viral. The quarters were furnished with amenities far more typical of serviced apartments than correctional cells, featuring air conditioners, flat-screen televisions, refrigerators, plush sofas and formal dining tables. At one point, an individual was captured hurriedly shutting a door as investigators approached, evidently attempting to evade scrutiny.

According to the Ombudsman, the inspection team identified more than 10 house-like structures on the grounds, alongside luxury vehicles, a fully equipped gym and a golf simulator under construction. One occupant identified himself as an inmate, though correctional officers quickly intervened to block further questioning.

The revelations provoked swift public outcry, fueling demands to uncover how such accommodation could exist inside a state penitentiary and who authorized their use. To its credit, the government acted rapidly. On Sept. 25 and 26, the Immigration and Corrections Ministry questioned 52 inmates and more than 50 facility staff members. On Sept. 26, the ministry suspended Cibinong warden Wisnu Hani Putranto alongside four senior administrative officers pending a full inquiry. Yet subsequent disclosures revealed problems that run far deeper than unauthorized comforts.

During a Sept. 28 hearing before House of Representatives Commission XIII, Director General of Corrections Mashudi conceded that the Cibinong compound housed 16 residential units, 13 of which were never registered as state assets. Mashudi maintained that the buildings were intended as official staff residences and assimilation facilities rather than illicit cells. However, he also admitted that two inmates, Ahmad Albani and Hasan Tjhie, were present inside the facilities during the inspection. Both men were convicted in the high-profile PT Timah graft case, each handed 10-year sentences by the Jakarta High Court in 2025.

The Ombudsman laid out even more troubling details during a separate hearing before House Commission II the following day. Investigators revealed that corruption convict Jimmy Masrin, the former president commissioner of PT Petro Energy sentenced in March 2026 in the Indonesia Eximbank graft case, was suspected of occupying one of the luxury units. Furthermore, the team discovered CCTV equipment throughout the residential enclave, directly contradicting the warden’s earlier assertion that the area lacked surveillance, though investigators could not immediately confirm whether the cameras were operational.

Compounding the issue of preferential housing, the Ombudsman cited reports from inmates’ families alleging that prisoners were routinely subjected to illegal levies of Rp 150,000 (US$8.40) per week simply to secure basic treatment. The scandal has therefore moved well past the initial shock of opulent interiors. The pressing issues now center on administrative complicity: who authorized access, how these shadow assets operated outside state registers and to what extent wealth and connections continue to purchase an entirely different reality behind bars.

Cibinong is hardly an anomaly in Indonesia’s correctional history. In January 2010, the Judicial Mafia Eradication Task Force discovered corruption convict Artalyta Suryani, better known as Ayin, occupying an exclusive suite at East Jakarta’s Pondok Bambu Women’s Penitentiary complete with an air conditioner, television, refrigerator and private bathroom. Seven years later, the National Narcotics Agency seized unauthorized communication rigs and electronics from the cell of drug lord Harianto Chandra at Cipinang Penitentiary in East Jakarta.

By 2018, the Corruption Eradication Commission uncovered an extensive luxury-cell racket orchestrated by the warden at Sukamiskin Penitentiary in Bandung, West Java, catering to high-profile figures such as Fahmi Darmawansyah, Setya Novanto and Muhammad Nazaruddin.

Then came the defining image of correctional impunity: Gayus Tambunan. In 2010, the former tax official was photographed wearing a wig in the stands at an international tennis tournament in Bali while nominally in detention. His case demonstrated that behind Indonesian prison walls, privilege can secure not just creature comforts, but the freedom to bypass detention altogether.

As early as 2011, Indonesia Corruption Watch mapped out five systemic vectors of prison graft: preferential amenities, unauthorized leave, remission tampering, extortion of inmates' families and the use of substitute inmates to serve sentences on behalf of wealthy convicts. What the Ombudsman exposed in Cibinong mirrors those decade-old findings almost point for point.

The foundational question is no longer what is happening, but why the system remains incapable of preventing it, even after President Prabowo Subianto formed a ministry dedicated to deal with the issue in 2024. The law may appear egalitarian in the courtroom, but if money and influence continue to command VIP treatment behind prison walls, the constitutional promise of equality before the law remains elusive.

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