Sector

Mining

Indonesia, a country rich in natural resources, boasts a mining sector that is undeniably one of its leading sectors. With vast reserves of mineral and non-mineral mining resources, the country stands as a global powerhouse in the mining industry. As of 2022, Indonesia’s mining industry contributed Rp2.3 quadrillion to the national GDP, accounting for 12.22 percent.

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Mining

Indonesia, a country rich in natural resources, boasts a mining sector that is undeniably one of its leading sectors. With vast reserves of mineral and non-mineral mining resources, the country stands as a global powerhouse in the mining industry. As of 2022, Indonesia’s mining industry contributed Rp2.3 quadrillion to the national GDP, accounting for 12.22 percent.

Mining flourishes across various regions of the country, each contributing to the nation’s economy. It is present in regions such as South Sumatra, Riau, Riau Islands, Bangka-Belitung, Central Kalimantan, East Kalimantan, South Kalimantan, and North Kalimantan. Additionally, mining is also prevalent in Southeast Sulawesi, Central Sulawesi, West Nusa Tenggara, North Maluku, Papua, and West Papua.

Indonesia’s wealth of mineral resources offers a wide variety of materials available for mining. From abundant reserves of gold, bauxite, tin, and copper concentrates to nickel ore, the country’s rich mineral resources signify significant potential for economic growth and development. In addition, Indonesia is also rich in coal mining, with its abundant coal reserves catering to the energy needs of both domestic and international markets.

The country's mining sector thrives on these resources. In 2023, mineral resources such as bauxite reached a production of 28 million tons, gold at 85 thousand kilograms, tin concentrate at 57 thousand metric tons, copper concentrate at 3 million metric tons, along with nickel ore at 98 million metric tons.3 Meanwhile, Indonesia’s coal production reached 775.2 million tons in 2023, almost double than ten years earlier when coal production stood at 421 million tons.

Additionally, Indonesia is home to oil and gas exploration and exploitation, although its output has been dwindling. Once an exporting country of oil and gas, Indonesia has transitioned into a net importer of these commodities since 2008 when consumption surpassed outputs, which stood at around 1 million barrels per day (bpd). In the first semester of 2023, Indonesia’s oil output stood at 615 bpd.

Subsequently, the government has worked hard to reverse the trend of falling oil output and has set a target to restore oil lifting to 1 million bpd in 2030, alongside a gas production target of 12 billion standard cubic feet per day (BSCFD). As of January 2023, Indonesia’s documented oil reserves were 2.41 billion barrels, and its natural gas reserves stood at 35.5 trillion cubic feet.

As for investments, Indonesia secured US$30.3 billion for the energy and mining sector in 2023, marking an 11 percent increase from the previous year. That same year, the oil and gas sector led the way,

achieving US$15.6 billion in investments, followed by mineral and coal at US$7.46 billion, electricity at US$5.8 billion, and renewable energy at US$1.5 billion.

Latest News

July 6, 2026

Finance Minister Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa's decision to reverse course on the placement of the budget surplus balance (SAL) warrants closer scrutiny. While the move may reflect policymakers' willingness to respond to changing market conditions, it also raises a more fundamental question: Does frequent policy recalibration strengthen confidence by demonstrating flexibility, or does it undermine the certainty that the financial system depends on?

The funds were never simply idle cash. Since September 2025, the Finance Ministry had gradually placed SAL in five state-owned banks to strengthen liquidity and sustain credit growth amid tightening financial conditions. By March 2026, the placement had reached Rp 376 trillion (US$21 billion). Three months later, however, the government began transferring part of the funds back to Bank Indonesia while also seeking to strengthen fiscal-monetary coordination in support of the rupiah. Yet the strategy quickly revealed its limits.

The reversal is particularly striking because it occurred at a time when Indonesia's banking sector appeared fundamentally sound. Credit growth accelerated to 11.5 percent year-on-year in May 2026, supported by strong deposit growth and ample system-wide liquidity, while Bank Indonesia remained confident that lending would continue expanding within its target range of 8 to 12 percent this year.

Yet aggregate indicators often conceal how individual institutions manage their funding. Over the previous year, SAL had evolved from a temporary fiscal placement into a stable source of liquidity for state-owned banks, becoming embedded in their funding and lending strategies. The longer the placement remained in place, the more difficult it became to unwind.

When the funds were withdrawn, the issue was not the resilience of Indonesia's banking system, but the adjustment required of banks that had come to rely on what was always intended to be a temporary arrangement. In that sense, the withdrawal did more than tighten liquidity. It exposed the gap between policy design and operational reality.

That dependence became apparent almost immediately. State-owned banks reportedly warned that funding conditions had tightened much faster than anticipated. Purbaya himself later acknowledged that once the funds were withdrawn, Himbara banks had "become dry" and had effectively run out of funding to support lending. Within days, Deputy Finance Minister Juda Agung announced that Rp 281 trillion would be returned to Himbara banks and that the placement would be extended through December, with an additional Rp 100 trillion held in reserve.

It is unusual for a finance minister to acknowledge the shortcomings of a policy so quickly. It is even rarer for those shortcomings to require an almost immediate policy reversal. Purbaya's remarks suggest that what had initially been presented as routine coordination between fiscal and monetary authorities had underestimated the extent to which the banking system had absorbed the government's liquidity injections.

More fundamentally, the government's handling of SAL raises broader questions about both fiscal discipline and institutional responsibilities. By design, SAL is an accumulated fiscal buffer, intended to provide flexibility during periods of economic stress rather than serve as a recurring policy instrument. Its growing use to support banking liquidity risks turning an emergency reserve into a substitute for more durable fiscal solutions, relying on accumulated surpluses rather than addressing the structural imbalance between government revenues and expenditures.

At the same time, the policy blurred the distinction between fiscal and monetary responsibilities. While the Finance Ministry is responsible for managing the government's cash position, maintaining system-wide liquidity is fundamentally the mandate of Bank Indonesia. Large fiscal cash movements will inevitably affect banking liquidity, but managing those effects should primarily rely on the central bank's monetary toolkit rather than repeated shifts in government deposits. The need to reverse the withdrawal within days suggests that the transition was not fully calibrated to the operational realities of the banking system.

The real lesson from the SAL reversal is not simply about the rupiah or bank liquidity. It is about policymaking itself. Good intentions are not enough if implementation is overlooked. Markets expect governments to make difficult decisions, but they also expect those decisions to be carefully thought through. In the end, successful economic policy is measured not only by where it aims to go, but also by whether it can get there without having to turn back.

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