Sector

Mining

Indonesia, a country rich in natural resources, boasts a mining sector that is undeniably one of its leading sectors. With vast reserves of mineral and non-mineral mining resources, the country stands as a global powerhouse in the mining industry. As of 2022, Indonesia’s mining industry contributed Rp2.3 quadrillion to the national GDP, accounting for 12.22 percent.

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Mining

Indonesia, a country rich in natural resources, boasts a mining sector that is undeniably one of its leading sectors. With vast reserves of mineral and non-mineral mining resources, the country stands as a global powerhouse in the mining industry. As of 2022, Indonesia’s mining industry contributed Rp2.3 quadrillion to the national GDP, accounting for 12.22 percent.

Mining flourishes across various regions of the country, each contributing to the nation’s economy. It is present in regions such as South Sumatra, Riau, Riau Islands, Bangka-Belitung, Central Kalimantan, East Kalimantan, South Kalimantan, and North Kalimantan. Additionally, mining is also prevalent in Southeast Sulawesi, Central Sulawesi, West Nusa Tenggara, North Maluku, Papua, and West Papua.

Indonesia’s wealth of mineral resources offers a wide variety of materials available for mining. From abundant reserves of gold, bauxite, tin, and copper concentrates to nickel ore, the country’s rich mineral resources signify significant potential for economic growth and development. In addition, Indonesia is also rich in coal mining, with its abundant coal reserves catering to the energy needs of both domestic and international markets.

The country's mining sector thrives on these resources. In 2023, mineral resources such as bauxite reached a production of 28 million tons, gold at 85 thousand kilograms, tin concentrate at 57 thousand metric tons, copper concentrate at 3 million metric tons, along with nickel ore at 98 million metric tons.3 Meanwhile, Indonesia’s coal production reached 775.2 million tons in 2023, almost double than ten years earlier when coal production stood at 421 million tons.

Additionally, Indonesia is home to oil and gas exploration and exploitation, although its output has been dwindling. Once an exporting country of oil and gas, Indonesia has transitioned into a net importer of these commodities since 2008 when consumption surpassed outputs, which stood at around 1 million barrels per day (bpd). In the first semester of 2023, Indonesia’s oil output stood at 615 bpd.

Subsequently, the government has worked hard to reverse the trend of falling oil output and has set a target to restore oil lifting to 1 million bpd in 2030, alongside a gas production target of 12 billion standard cubic feet per day (BSCFD). As of January 2023, Indonesia’s documented oil reserves were 2.41 billion barrels, and its natural gas reserves stood at 35.5 trillion cubic feet.

As for investments, Indonesia secured US$30.3 billion for the energy and mining sector in 2023, marking an 11 percent increase from the previous year. That same year, the oil and gas sector led the way,

achieving US$15.6 billion in investments, followed by mineral and coal at US$7.46 billion, electricity at US$5.8 billion, and renewable energy at US$1.5 billion.

Latest News

May 25, 2026

President Prabowo Subianto recently delivered a striking announcement: his administration plans to gradually place exports of Indonesia’s natural resources under state control to combat alleged under-invoicing by resource exporters. While the proposal could help address persistent under-invoicing, it has also raised concerns among businesses and economists, who warn that it risks becoming a misguided solution that opens the door to rent-seeking and ultimately harms the economy and public welfare.

Prabowo introduced the policy during his address to the House of Representatives on May 20. Referring to data from the United Nations Commodity Trade Statistics Database (UN Comtrade) processed by NEXT Indonesia Center, he claimed that accumulated under-invoicing of natural resource exports reached US$908 billion, or Rp 15.98 quadrillion (at Rp 17,600 per US$1), between 1991 and 2024. According to the President, Indonesian exporters conducted the under-invoicing through foreign subsidiaries.

Under-invoicing occurs when exporters manipulate trade data, including the value, volume, or quality of exported goods, so reported export revenue appears lower than its actual value. NEXT Indonesia calculated the alleged under-invoicing using the gross excluding reversals (GER) formula, a methodology also employed by the US-based Global Financial Integrity to detect trade mis-invoicing.

To implement the policy, the government would establish PT Danantara Sumberdaya Indonesia (DSI), a subsidiary of the state asset fund Danantara, to oversee the trade monopoly. Coal, crude palm oil (CPO) and ferroalloys would become the first commodities required to be exported through the SOE. The president said the policy drew inspiration from practices in Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Russia, Kuwait, Morocco, Ghana, Malaysia and Vietnam.

Danantara has appointed Australian citizen Luke Thomas Mahony, previously a senior executive vice president at Danantara, as president director of PT DSI. Mahony worked in the metals and mining sector at Xstrata Coal, BHP Billiton, and Vale between 2004 and 2025.

In the policy’s first phase, from June to December 2026, Danantara would initially function as an inspector of strategic natural resource exports. It would compare mandatory transaction reporting data for the three commodities against international market indices to assess export prices. PT DSI would also manage export documentation as the legally authorized representative for exporters. Beginning in September 2026 and continuing through December, exporters would be required to transfer export dealings with overseas buyers to PT DSI, which would then secure export contracts with foreign importers.

Business groups, including the Indonesian Palm Oil Association (Gapki), the Indonesia Mining Association (API-IMA), the Indonesian Coal Mining Association (APBI) and the Indonesian Exporters Association (GPEI), said they were not consulted before the policy was announced. Industry representatives urged the government to reconsider the policy, stressing the importance of regulatory certainty and noting that many mining companies operate under long-term contracts with foreign buyers. They warned that hasty implementation could disrupt the broader coal ecosystem, affecting not only producers and buyers, but also banks, surveyors, shipping companies and ports.

Critics further warned that a state-controlled export monopoly could encourage rent-seeking by politically connected groups, repeating the mistakes of the Clove Buffer and Marketing Agency (BPPC). Former president Suharto established BPPC in 1992, officially to stabilize clove prices and protect farmers’ welfare. Under the scheme, farmers were required to sell cloves to Village Unit Cooperatives (KUDs), which in turn sold them to BPPC. The agency, led by Suharto’s son Hutomo Mandala Putra, then sold the cloves to large traders and cigarette manufacturers. To support the policy, Suharto instructed Bank Indonesia to provide financing supports to BPPC and the KUDs.

The results were disastrous for farmers. Clove prices at the farm level collapsed from Rp 7,500-Rp 20,000 per kilogram before the BPPC monopoly to around Rp 2,000 per kg, or even lower when BPPC classified the cloves as low quality. While BPPC could reportedly sell cloves for as much as Rp 120,000 per kilogram, the agency itself neared bankruptcy because of excessive stockpiles and mounting debt. Amid the Asian financial crisis, BPPC was formally dissolved in January 1998 through Keppres No. 21/1998.

The proposed monopoly over exports of coal, CPO, ferroalloys and potentially other natural resources risks repeating BPPC’s failures by suppressing prices received by producers. It could also trigger widespread closures among exporters without upstream operations. Most concerning, however, is the risk that it becomes a new source of rent-seeking practices. Improving regulation and strengthening enforcement would likely be safer and more effective approaches to reducing under-invoicing than creating a state-controlled export monopoly.

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