Sector
Mining
Indonesia, a country rich in natural resources, boasts a mining sector that is undeniably one of its leading sectors. With vast reserves of mineral and non-mineral mining resources, the country stands as a global powerhouse in the mining industry. As of 2022, Indonesia’s mining industry contributed Rp2.3 quadrillion to the national GDP, accounting for 12.22 percent.
View moreMining
Indonesia, a country rich in natural resources, boasts a mining sector that is undeniably one of its leading sectors. With vast reserves of mineral and non-mineral mining resources, the country stands as a global powerhouse in the mining industry. As of 2022, Indonesia’s mining industry contributed Rp2.3 quadrillion to the national GDP, accounting for 12.22 percent.
Mining flourishes across various regions of the country, each contributing to the nation’s economy. It is present in regions such as South Sumatra, Riau, Riau Islands, Bangka-Belitung, Central Kalimantan, East Kalimantan, South Kalimantan, and North Kalimantan. Additionally, mining is also prevalent in Southeast Sulawesi, Central Sulawesi, West Nusa Tenggara, North Maluku, Papua, and West Papua.
Indonesia’s wealth of mineral resources offers a wide variety of materials available for mining. From abundant reserves of gold, bauxite, tin, and copper concentrates to nickel ore, the country’s rich mineral resources signify significant potential for economic growth and development. In addition, Indonesia is also rich in coal mining, with its abundant coal reserves catering to the energy needs of both domestic and international markets.
The country's mining sector thrives on these resources. In 2023, mineral resources such as bauxite reached a production of 28 million tons, gold at 85 thousand kilograms, tin concentrate at 57 thousand metric tons, copper concentrate at 3 million metric tons, along with nickel ore at 98 million metric tons.3 Meanwhile, Indonesia’s coal production reached 775.2 million tons in 2023, almost double than ten years earlier when coal production stood at 421 million tons.
Additionally, Indonesia is home to oil and gas exploration and exploitation, although its output has been dwindling. Once an exporting country of oil and gas, Indonesia has transitioned into a net importer of these commodities since 2008 when consumption surpassed outputs, which stood at around 1 million barrels per day (bpd). In the first semester of 2023, Indonesia’s oil output stood at 615 bpd.
Subsequently, the government has worked hard to reverse the trend of falling oil output and has set a target to restore oil lifting to 1 million bpd in 2030, alongside a gas production target of 12 billion standard cubic feet per day (BSCFD). As of January 2023, Indonesia’s documented oil reserves were 2.41 billion barrels, and its natural gas reserves stood at 35.5 trillion cubic feet.
As for investments, Indonesia secured US$30.3 billion for the energy and mining sector in 2023, marking an 11 percent increase from the previous year. That same year, the oil and gas sector led the way,
achieving US$15.6 billion in investments, followed by mineral and coal at US$7.46 billion, electricity at US$5.8 billion, and renewable energy at US$1.5 billion.
Latest News
The Chromebook procurement case has become one of Indonesia's highest-profile corruption prosecutions, sparking intense debate over whether it represents a straightforward anti-corruption effort or something far more consequential.
Nine months after the legal process began, and with the court finally delivering its verdict, the case has evolved far beyond a routine procurement dispute. Instead, it has become a litmus test for the Indonesian justice system to distinguish between policy misjudgment, abuse of authority and criminal corruption.
On June 30, the Jakarta Corruption Court sentenced former education minister Nadiem Anwar Makarim to 10 years in prison, imposed a Rp 1 billion (US$55,700) fine and ordered him to pay Rp 809 billion in restitution. Nadiem was given one month to pay the restitution, failing which he will serve an additional five years in prison.
The bench found Nadiem guilty of abusing his authority in the procurement of more than 1 million Chromebook laptops between 2020 and 2022, when Indonesia and the world were hit hard by COVID-19 pandemic that forced schools to avoid in-class learning. According to the ruling, the then-education ministry altered procurement specifications in a way that effectively favored Chromebooks, resulting in Rp 1.57 trillion in state losses.
The court also concluded that the program failed to achieve its intended purpose because many schools, particularly those in areas with poor internet connectivity, were unable to use the devices effectively.
The verdict marked the culmination of a legal process that began on Sept. 4, 2025, when the Attorney General's Office (AGO) named Nadiem a graft suspect. Prosecutors maintained that internal technical assessments had found Windows-based laptops to be more suitable for Indonesian schools, yet those recommendations were allegedly set aside in favor of ChromeOS. They had initially sought 18 years' imprisonment, a Rp 1 billion fine and Rp 5.6 trillion in restitution.
Yet, the sentence itself is arguably not the most significant outcome of the case. More striking is how public opinion evolved throughout the proceedings. Unlike most high-profile corruption trials, where public frustration is typically directed at judges for handing down lenient sentences, the Nadiem case generated an altogether different response. Even before the verdict, much of the public debate had shifted from how severely he should be punished to whether the prosecution had convincingly demonstrated that a controversial policy decision amounted to criminal corruption.
Unlike conventional corruption cases involving bribery or personal enrichment, the Chromebook case revolved around a policy decision whose criminality depended on proving abuse of authority and corrupt intent. As the trial progressed, public attention increasingly focused not on whether the procurement had failed logistically, but on whether prosecutors had successfully demonstrated that the legal threshold for corruption had been met.
The first turning point came when Nadiem challenged his suspect designation through a pretrial motion. Although the court ultimately rejected the application, the proceedings attracted unusual attention after 12 prominent legal figures submitted amicus curiae briefs. Among them were former attorney general Marzuki Darusman and former Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) commissioner Amien Sunaryadi.
The second turning point unfolded during the trial itself. As prosecutors and defense lawyers presented competing expert testimony and documentary evidence, public attention increasingly shifted to the strength of the prosecution's case. The defense consistently argued that the Chromebook program followed prevailing procurement procedures and generated cost efficiencies. While the court ultimately rejected those arguments, the proceedings exposed genuine disagreement over whether the evidence established criminal intent or merely demonstrated shortcomings in policy implementation.
The final turning point came with the verdict itself. The decision was not unanimous. Judge Andi Saputra issued a dissenting opinion, stating that he found no convincing evidence that Nadiem deliberately sought to benefit Google or acted with corrupt intent. In his view, the prosecution had failed to establish the essential criminal elements required under Indonesia's anti-corruption laws and Nadiem should therefore have been acquitted.
Questions over the proceedings were further fueled by what many viewed as an unusual courtroom process. After reading the verdict, the panel of judges immediately adjourned the hearing without giving the defense the customary opportunity to formally state their position on the ruling.
Leaving the courtroom in tears, Nadiem questioned whether justice had truly been served, describing parts of the verdict as conclusions that "didn't make any sense." Referring to the fine and restitution, he argued that it would be impossible to pay the amount within one month, despite the judges being fully aware of his publicly declared assets. Nadiem later confirmed that he and his legal team would immediately challenge the verdict.
Regardless of how the appeal unfolds, the Chromebook saga has become more than a corruption prosecution; it has morphed into a decisive test of legal certainty, judicial process and the threshold for holding public officials criminally liable for policy decisions.
