Sector
Mining
Indonesia, a country rich in natural resources, boasts a mining sector that is undeniably one of its leading sectors. With vast reserves of mineral and non-mineral mining resources, the country stands as a global powerhouse in the mining industry. As of 2022, Indonesia’s mining industry contributed Rp2.3 quadrillion to the national GDP, accounting for 12.22 percent.
View moreMining
Indonesia, a country rich in natural resources, boasts a mining sector that is undeniably one of its leading sectors. With vast reserves of mineral and non-mineral mining resources, the country stands as a global powerhouse in the mining industry. As of 2022, Indonesia’s mining industry contributed Rp2.3 quadrillion to the national GDP, accounting for 12.22 percent.
Mining flourishes across various regions of the country, each contributing to the nation’s economy. It is present in regions such as South Sumatra, Riau, Riau Islands, Bangka-Belitung, Central Kalimantan, East Kalimantan, South Kalimantan, and North Kalimantan. Additionally, mining is also prevalent in Southeast Sulawesi, Central Sulawesi, West Nusa Tenggara, North Maluku, Papua, and West Papua.
Indonesia’s wealth of mineral resources offers a wide variety of materials available for mining. From abundant reserves of gold, bauxite, tin, and copper concentrates to nickel ore, the country’s rich mineral resources signify significant potential for economic growth and development. In addition, Indonesia is also rich in coal mining, with its abundant coal reserves catering to the energy needs of both domestic and international markets.
The country's mining sector thrives on these resources. In 2023, mineral resources such as bauxite reached a production of 28 million tons, gold at 85 thousand kilograms, tin concentrate at 57 thousand metric tons, copper concentrate at 3 million metric tons, along with nickel ore at 98 million metric tons.3 Meanwhile, Indonesia’s coal production reached 775.2 million tons in 2023, almost double than ten years earlier when coal production stood at 421 million tons.
Additionally, Indonesia is home to oil and gas exploration and exploitation, although its output has been dwindling. Once an exporting country of oil and gas, Indonesia has transitioned into a net importer of these commodities since 2008 when consumption surpassed outputs, which stood at around 1 million barrels per day (bpd). In the first semester of 2023, Indonesia’s oil output stood at 615 bpd.
Subsequently, the government has worked hard to reverse the trend of falling oil output and has set a target to restore oil lifting to 1 million bpd in 2030, alongside a gas production target of 12 billion standard cubic feet per day (BSCFD). As of January 2023, Indonesia’s documented oil reserves were 2.41 billion barrels, and its natural gas reserves stood at 35.5 trillion cubic feet.
As for investments, Indonesia secured US$30.3 billion for the energy and mining sector in 2023, marking an 11 percent increase from the previous year. That same year, the oil and gas sector led the way,
achieving US$15.6 billion in investments, followed by mineral and coal at US$7.46 billion, electricity at US$5.8 billion, and renewable energy at US$1.5 billion.
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Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s "safari politik" (campaign tour) since June marks a significant turning point in Indonesia’s post-presidential politics. Although publicly framed as a series of visits to fulfil invitations and meet citizens, the former presidents tour reflects a calculated effort to sustain influence, reorganize political alliances and shape the country’s political future toward the 2029 elections. Rather than a purely symbolic return, the "safari politik" represents a strategic repositioning in a political landscape now led by President Prabowo Subianto.
After completing his presidency in October 2024, Jokowi entered a quieter phase, though he remained highly popular among the public. By late May 2026, he announced plans to travel across Indonesia, beginning with Lampung, East Nusa Tenggara Timur and West Java provinces, after recovering from health issues.
Officially, Jokowi described the visits as responses to invitations from local communities and efforts to maintain social ties. However, the scale of the tour and its timing highlight a broader political context. Jokowi is no longer aligned with the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), the party that supported his presidency from 2014 to 2024, and is increasingly associated with the Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI), led by his son Kaesang Pangarep.
Jokowi’s safari serves several interconnected goals. First, it is a demonstration of continued political relevance. By visiting multiple regions and mobilizing public enthusiasm, Jokowi signals that his popularity remains strong even after leaving office. Analysts view this as a message to political elites, including Prabowo, that Jokowi still commands a significant grassroots base.
Second, the "safari politik" is widely seen as a strategy to strengthen PSI. Observers argue that Jokowi is leveraging his popularity to boost the party’s electability and potentially help it pass the parliamentary threshold. Since PSI lacks a strong nationwide structure, Jokowi’s personal appeal becomes its most valuable political asset.
Third, the tour reflects a long-term political calculation toward 2029. Analysts suggest Jokowi is maintaining bargaining power in coalition politics while positioning his political network for future competition. This includes indirectly supporting the political trajectory of his son, Vice President Gibran Rakabuming Raka.
Finally, the tour continues Jokowi’s signature blusukan-style engagement, but with a clearer electoral and organizational purpose. It is no longer just about connecting with citizens, it is also about mobilizing supporters and consolidating networks.
The safari provides Jokowi with several strategic opportunities. First, it allows him to maintain national visibility and relevance. Former presidents often lose political influence over time, but Jokowi’s continued presence helps preserve his role as a key political figure and potential kingmaker.
Second, the tour supports his effort to build PSI as a viable political force. By directly engaging with local cadres and communities, Jokowi can help transform the party from a marginal player into a more competitive organization, benefiting from the “coattail effect” of his popularity.
Third, the safari acts as a test of political loyalty. By observing the level of public participation and support, Jokowi can assess whether his influence remains strong outside formal office.
Fourth, it helps him consolidate and expand his support base geographically. By revisiting regions that supported him during past elections, Jokowi strengthens existing networks while potentially reaching new voters. Together, these gains reinforce Jokowi’s position as an influential actor in Indonesia’s political system despite no longer holding power.
For PDI-P, Jokowi’s "safari politik" has significant implications. Symbolically, it confirms the breakdown of Jokowi’s relationship with his old party PDI-P. His growing association with PSI weakens PDI-P’s ability to claim his achievements and legacy as part of its political identity. Strategically, the safari could erode PDI-P’s voter base. Many voters identify more strongly with Jokowi as an individual than with party structures. If Jokowi successfully mobilizes these supporters under PSI, PDI-P risks losing influence in key regions.
Jokowi’s safari also affects President Prabowo’s political environment. On one hand, Jokowi’s engagement may benefit political stability. His high popularity can help maintain public confidence and support for the broader political system. On the other hand, it introduces a form of parallel political influence. By maintaining his own network of supporters, Jokowi ensures that he remains a key figure whose interests cannot be ignored.
Analysts interpret "safari politik" as a signal to Prabowo that Jokowi retains significant leverage in Indonesian politics. Moreover, Jokowi’s efforts to strengthen PSI could alter future coalition dynamics. A more competitive PSI may influence alliances and reshape the balance of power as Indonesia approaches the 2029 elections.
Jokowi’s June 2026 "safari politik" is not merely a routine tour, it is a strategic effort to preserve influence, build a new political base, and shape Indonesia’s political future.
