Sector

Tourism

Indonesia has designated tourism as a primary sector with a strong commitment to integrated infrastructure development and the enhancement of skilled and quality human resources. In 2023, the realization of investment in the tourism sector was predominantly driven by domestic investment (PMDN), reaching Rp 14.9 trillion. The PMDN funds were allocated to various types of businesses, including Rp 8.228 billion for star-rated hotels in West Nusa Tenggara, Rp2.601 billion for tourism areas in DKI Jakarta, and Rp1.656 billion for restaurants in Bali.

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Tourism

Indonesia has designated tourism as a primary sector with a strong commitment to integrated infrastructure development and the enhancement of skilled and quality human resources. In 2023, the realization of investment in the tourism sector was predominantly driven by domestic investment (PMDN), reaching Rp 14.9 trillion. The PMDN funds were allocated to various types of businesses, including Rp 8.228 billion for star-rated hotels in West Nusa Tenggara, Rp2.601 billion for tourism areas in DKI Jakarta, and Rp1.656 billion for restaurants in Bali.

Indonesia has identified 10 priority tourism destinations, including Borobudur, Mandalika, Labuan Bajo, Bromo Tengger Semeru, Thousand Islands, Lake Toba, Wakatobi, Tanjung Lesung, Morotai, and Tanjung Kelayang. Both domestic and international tourists constitute the country’s tourism market potential. In 2023, the number of foreign tourist visits reached 11.68 million, with the largest contributions coming from Malaysia, Australia, Singapore, China, and East Timor. This increase in visits also corresponds with the growth of tourism foreign exchange earnings, which reached US$6.08 billion in the first semester of 2023.

Major provinces attracting international tourists include Bali, DKI Jakarta, Riau Islands, West Nusa Tenggara, and East Java. Meanwhile, the number of domestic tourist trips in 2023 reached 749,114,709 trips, with DKI Jakarta, DI Yogyakarta, and East Java having the highest travel ratios.

Aside from the tourism sector, Indonesia’s creative economy sector has also shown significant growth, with exports reaching US$11.82 billion in the first half of 2023. The fashion subsector is the main contributor with US$6.56 billion (55.52 percent), followed by culinary products with US$4.46 billion (37.70 percent), and crafts with US$792.67 million (6.71 percent).

Moreover, the sector has realized US$225.28 million in foreign direct investment (FDI) and US$577.87 million in domestic direct investment (DDI) in the first quarter of 2023 out of the sector’s total target investment of US$2.68 billion in 2022. The Tourism and Creative Economy Ministry targets investment in this sector to reach US$6-8 billion, with the hope of creating 4.4 million new jobs in 2024.  This investment fund is planned to be allocated for the development of five-star hotel accommodations in super-priority tourism destination areas (DPSP) and 10 other priority tourism destinations.

Meanwhile, realized investments in the tourism sector in 2022 amounted to US$2.33 billion. Furthermore, FDI also contributes significantly, especially reaching Rp8.7 trillion from Singapore amounting to Rp2.458 billion, followed by Hong Kong with Rp1.720 billion, and India with Rp1.385 billion.

Latest News

July 6, 2026

Finance Minister Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa's decision to reverse course on the placement of the budget surplus balance (SAL) warrants closer scrutiny. While the move may reflect policymakers' willingness to respond to changing market conditions, it also raises a more fundamental question: Does frequent policy recalibration strengthen confidence by demonstrating flexibility, or does it undermine the certainty that the financial system depends on?

The funds were never simply idle cash. Since September 2025, the Finance Ministry had gradually placed SAL in five state-owned banks to strengthen liquidity and sustain credit growth amid tightening financial conditions. By March 2026, the placement had reached Rp 376 trillion (US$21 billion). Three months later, however, the government began transferring part of the funds back to Bank Indonesia while also seeking to strengthen fiscal-monetary coordination in support of the rupiah. Yet the strategy quickly revealed its limits.

The reversal is particularly striking because it occurred at a time when Indonesia's banking sector appeared fundamentally sound. Credit growth accelerated to 11.5 percent year-on-year in May 2026, supported by strong deposit growth and ample system-wide liquidity, while Bank Indonesia remained confident that lending would continue expanding within its target range of 8 to 12 percent this year.

Yet aggregate indicators often conceal how individual institutions manage their funding. Over the previous year, SAL had evolved from a temporary fiscal placement into a stable source of liquidity for state-owned banks, becoming embedded in their funding and lending strategies. The longer the placement remained in place, the more difficult it became to unwind.

When the funds were withdrawn, the issue was not the resilience of Indonesia's banking system, but the adjustment required of banks that had come to rely on what was always intended to be a temporary arrangement. In that sense, the withdrawal did more than tighten liquidity. It exposed the gap between policy design and operational reality.

That dependence became apparent almost immediately. State-owned banks reportedly warned that funding conditions had tightened much faster than anticipated. Purbaya himself later acknowledged that once the funds were withdrawn, Himbara banks had "become dry" and had effectively run out of funding to support lending. Within days, Deputy Finance Minister Juda Agung announced that Rp 281 trillion would be returned to Himbara banks and that the placement would be extended through December, with an additional Rp 100 trillion held in reserve.

It is unusual for a finance minister to acknowledge the shortcomings of a policy so quickly. It is even rarer for those shortcomings to require an almost immediate policy reversal. Purbaya's remarks suggest that what had initially been presented as routine coordination between fiscal and monetary authorities had underestimated the extent to which the banking system had absorbed the government's liquidity injections.

More fundamentally, the government's handling of SAL raises broader questions about both fiscal discipline and institutional responsibilities. By design, SAL is an accumulated fiscal buffer, intended to provide flexibility during periods of economic stress rather than serve as a recurring policy instrument. Its growing use to support banking liquidity risks turning an emergency reserve into a substitute for more durable fiscal solutions, relying on accumulated surpluses rather than addressing the structural imbalance between government revenues and expenditures.

At the same time, the policy blurred the distinction between fiscal and monetary responsibilities. While the Finance Ministry is responsible for managing the government's cash position, maintaining system-wide liquidity is fundamentally the mandate of Bank Indonesia. Large fiscal cash movements will inevitably affect banking liquidity, but managing those effects should primarily rely on the central bank's monetary toolkit rather than repeated shifts in government deposits. The need to reverse the withdrawal within days suggests that the transition was not fully calibrated to the operational realities of the banking system.

The real lesson from the SAL reversal is not simply about the rupiah or bank liquidity. It is about policymaking itself. Good intentions are not enough if implementation is overlooked. Markets expect governments to make difficult decisions, but they also expect those decisions to be carefully thought through. In the end, successful economic policy is measured not only by where it aims to go, but also by whether it can get there without having to turn back.

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