Sector

Tourism

Indonesia has designated tourism as a primary sector with a strong commitment to integrated infrastructure development and the enhancement of skilled and quality human resources. In 2023, the realization of investment in the tourism sector was predominantly driven by domestic investment (PMDN), reaching Rp 14.9 trillion. The PMDN funds were allocated to various types of businesses, including Rp 8.228 billion for star-rated hotels in West Nusa Tenggara, Rp2.601 billion for tourism areas in DKI Jakarta, and Rp1.656 billion for restaurants in Bali.

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Tourism

Indonesia has designated tourism as a primary sector with a strong commitment to integrated infrastructure development and the enhancement of skilled and quality human resources. In 2023, the realization of investment in the tourism sector was predominantly driven by domestic investment (PMDN), reaching Rp 14.9 trillion. The PMDN funds were allocated to various types of businesses, including Rp 8.228 billion for star-rated hotels in West Nusa Tenggara, Rp2.601 billion for tourism areas in DKI Jakarta, and Rp1.656 billion for restaurants in Bali.

Indonesia has identified 10 priority tourism destinations, including Borobudur, Mandalika, Labuan Bajo, Bromo Tengger Semeru, Thousand Islands, Lake Toba, Wakatobi, Tanjung Lesung, Morotai, and Tanjung Kelayang. Both domestic and international tourists constitute the country’s tourism market potential. In 2023, the number of foreign tourist visits reached 11.68 million, with the largest contributions coming from Malaysia, Australia, Singapore, China, and East Timor. This increase in visits also corresponds with the growth of tourism foreign exchange earnings, which reached US$6.08 billion in the first semester of 2023.

Major provinces attracting international tourists include Bali, DKI Jakarta, Riau Islands, West Nusa Tenggara, and East Java. Meanwhile, the number of domestic tourist trips in 2023 reached 749,114,709 trips, with DKI Jakarta, DI Yogyakarta, and East Java having the highest travel ratios.

Aside from the tourism sector, Indonesia’s creative economy sector has also shown significant growth, with exports reaching US$11.82 billion in the first half of 2023. The fashion subsector is the main contributor with US$6.56 billion (55.52 percent), followed by culinary products with US$4.46 billion (37.70 percent), and crafts with US$792.67 million (6.71 percent).

Moreover, the sector has realized US$225.28 million in foreign direct investment (FDI) and US$577.87 million in domestic direct investment (DDI) in the first quarter of 2023 out of the sector’s total target investment of US$2.68 billion in 2022. The Tourism and Creative Economy Ministry targets investment in this sector to reach US$6-8 billion, with the hope of creating 4.4 million new jobs in 2024.  This investment fund is planned to be allocated for the development of five-star hotel accommodations in super-priority tourism destination areas (DPSP) and 10 other priority tourism destinations.

Meanwhile, realized investments in the tourism sector in 2022 amounted to US$2.33 billion. Furthermore, FDI also contributes significantly, especially reaching Rp8.7 trillion from Singapore amounting to Rp2.458 billion, followed by Hong Kong with Rp1.720 billion, and India with Rp1.385 billion.

Latest News

July 9, 2026

The controversy over military-style training for candidate managers of the Red and White Cooperatives and Fisherman’s Villages programs points to something larger than a single policy failure: the steady expansion of the Indonesian Military (TNI) into civilian governance and economic management. While the deaths of five civilian trainees has sparked public alarm, the deeper concern is how state institutions are being reshaped around military discipline and authority.

The cooperatives program aims to build roughly 80,000 cooperatives nationwide to boost rural economies, distribute subsidized goods and support a target of 8 percent economic growth by 2029. To manage this vast network, around 35,000 prospective managers were required to complete 45 days of military-led training at TNI facilities.

Officials describe the training as necessary for building discipline, leadership and shared national values among future managers. But relying on military institutions for this purpose raises real questions about institutional boundaries and whether military methods belong in economic management.

These concerns intensified after five trainees died within the program's first 10 days, from causes including cardiac arrest, heat stroke, tuberculosis and pneumonia. Rather than suspending the program, the government reviewed it, scaled back its physical intensity and dropped some military elements like shooting exercises, while keeping the program running. This response signals a high tolerance for operational risk and suggests the initiative carries significant political weight, raising concerns for investors about governance standards and crisis management in state-led programs.

The training's content has also drawn scrutiny. Though officially framed as character-building, it includes nationalism, discipline and ideological instruction resembling military reserve training. Critics argue this amounts to indoctrination rather than practical skill-building. Despite government denials that the program is militaristic, heavy involvement from the Defense Ministry and TNI personnel reinforces the perception that civilian economic actors are being molded within a military framework.

This fits into the broader context of the Reserves Component (Komcad) program, under which civilians, including civil servants, receive basic military training and can be mobilized during national emergencies. In 2026, thousands of state civil apparatus personnel joined this reserve system after training designed to instill nationalism and discipline. Though officially framed around national defense, such programs raise concerns about dual-use capabilities, blurring the line between civilian roles and military readiness.

The cooperatives program carries its own economic risks independent of the militarization issue. At an estimated cost of around Rp 400 trillion (US$25 billion), analysts warn of fiscal strain and the risk of villages falling into debt cycles. Cooperatives have a history of vulnerability to mismanagement and corruption, and well-funded, state-backed cooperatives could crowd out the small businesses that sustain local rural economies.

What sets this controversy apart is its place within a wider pattern of military expansion into civilian life under President Prabowo Subianto, himself a retired Army general. The TNI's role has grown to include agriculture, food security and public service delivery, entire battalions have been assigned to farming initiatives, and the Army has developed agroforestry programs with local governments and state enterprises. These efforts position the military as a development "enabler," but they also shift the balance between civilian and military institutions in ways that could affect accountability and efficiency.

The cooperative training program is part of this same trajectory. By placing future economic managers under military supervision, replicated across tens of thousands of villages, it builds a dense network of military presence at the grassroots level, one that, even unintentionally, could function like a system of observation and control.

The business implications are wide-ranging: politically, this may signal a retreat from the post-Reform principle of civil-military separation; operationally, blending military and economic functions can muddy decision-making and reduce transparency; reputationally, companies operating alongside such programs may face scrutiny over governance and human rights concerns.

The five trainee deaths are a tragedy in their own right, but they also expose deeper tensions in Indonesia's institutional landscape. Though the government has eased the training's intensity, it has not questioned the underlying premise of military involvement. The real risk for businesses is not the training program itself, but the broader shift it represents, toward a governance model where military influence becomes normalized within the civilian economy, with uncertain consequences for transparency and market stability.

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