Sector
Energy
Indonesia possesses vast, distributed, and diverse energy resources. The country’s energy subsectors include gas, clean water, and electricity, with demand projected to increase to 464 terawatt-hours (TWh) by 2024 and further increase to 1,885 TWh by 2060. The use of renewable energy is a top priority and the government has set ambitious goals in the General Planning for National Energy (RUEN) and General Planning for National Electricity (RKUN) to integrate 23 percent renewable energy into the national energy mix by 2025. At least US$41.8 billion of investments are needed to fully realize the goal.
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Indonesia possesses vast, distributed, and diverse energy resources. The country’s energy subsectors include gas, clean water, and electricity, with demand projected to increase to 464 terawatt-hours (TWh) by 2024 and further increase to 1,885 TWh by 2060. The use of renewable energy is a top priority and the government has set ambitious goals in the General Planning for National Energy (RUEN) and General Planning for National Electricity (RKUN) to integrate 23 percent renewable energy into the national energy mix by 2025. At least US$41.8 billion of investments are needed to fully realize the goal.
Despite having a renewable energy potential estimated at around 3,000 gigawatts (GW), current utilization is merely about 12.74 GW or 3 percent. This renewable energy potential includes solar energy, which is widely spread across Indonesia, especially in East Nusa Tenggara, West Kalimantan, and Riau, with a potential of approximately 3,294 GW and utilization of 323 megawatts (MW). Another renewable energy, hydro energy, with a potential of 95 GW, is primarily found in North Kalimantan, Aceh, West Sumatra, North Sumatra, and Papua, with utilization reaching 6,738 MW.
Additionally, bioenergy, encompassing biofuel, biomass, and biogas, is distributed throughout Indonesia with a total potential of 57 GW and utilization of 3,118 MW. Wind energy (>6 m/s) found in East Nusa Tenggara, South Kalimantan, West Java, South Sulawesi, Aceh, and Papua has a substantial potential of 155 GW, with utilization of 154 MW.
Furthermore, geothermal energy, strategically located in the “Ring of Fire” region covering Sumatra, Java, Bali, Nusa Tenggara, Sulawesi, and Yogyakarta has a potential of 23 GW and utilization of 2,373 MW. Meanwhile, marine energy, with a potential of 63 GW, especially in Yogyakarta, East Nusa Tenggara, West Nusa Tenggara, and Bali, remains untapped.
Among the renewable energy sources and their potential, these projects entail significant investments. According to the Electricity Supply Business Plan (RUPTL) of the State Electricity Company (PLN), from 2021 to 2030, geothermal power plants require an investment of US$17.35 billion, large-scale solar power plants necessitate US$3.2 billion, hydropower plants require US$25.63 billion, and base renewable energy power plants require US$5.49 billion. Additionally, bioenergy power plants require an investment of US$2.2 billion, wind power plants US$1.03 billion, peaker power plants US$0.28 billion, and rooftop solar power plants IS$3 billion.
As of 2022, hydro and geothermal are the primary drivers of growth. Private entities had enhanced the capacity of hydro power by adding 603.66 MW in mini, micro, and standard hydro facilities, reaching a total of 2,459.72 MW. Meanwhile, the geothermal sector experienced a 412 MW increase over the last five years from the private sector, bringing the total capacity to 1,782.8 MW by 2022. Aside from these two renewable energy, sources solar energy has also presented significant opportunities, particularly given Indonesia's potential for floating solar systems on reservoirs and dams.
Furthermore, the country’s other national energy subsector of gas underscores Indonesia’s wealth in natural gas. Indonesia’s natural gas reserves are predominantly methane (80-95 percent), which can be used directly or processed into Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG). However, demand has greatly increased over the past decade for Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG). From 2018 to 2022, domestic LPG production reached between 1.9 to 2 million tons, which is insufficient to meet national needs, leading to increasing imports that reached 6.74 million tons in 2022.
Currently, the Energy and Mineral Resources Ministry is working to attract new investments for LPG refineries through a cluster-based business scheme for the construction or future development of new LPF refineries. The ministry has identified the potential of rich gas to produce an additional 1.2 million tons of LPG cylinders domestically.
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Three government critics have been reported to the police for something they said in public while an online magazine has seen the circulation of an Instagram article restricted, further evidence of Indonesia’s shrinking civic space. These incidents happened not long after the March 12 acid attack against a human rights activist, an attack which the military and police have blamed on members of the Indonesian Military (TNI) intelligence agency.
The Military Police have yet to disclose the identity of the perpetrators or the motive for the acid attack against Andrie Yunus of the Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (Kontras), more than one month after the attack. The Military Police took over the investigation from the police’s hands the moment the latter found links to the TNI.
The public remains in the dark about the incident other than that four members of the TNI’s Strategic Intelligence Agency (BAIS) are under investigation, and that BAIS chief Lt. Gen. Yudi Abrimantyo resigned because of the attack but without disclosing his own role.
Civil society organizations are pressing for an independent investigation to be credible and for the perpetrators to be tried in a civilian court rather than a military tribunal.
Magdalene.co, an online feminist magazine, fell prey to official censorship when its Instagram article reporting on an independent investigation into Andrie’s attack was blocked to Indonesian users. The investigation, by a group of civil society organizations and also published in other news outlets, indicate a larger and sinister operation by the military, certainly involving more than the four alleged perpetrators.
The Communications and Digital Ministry restored the content after public protests, but not before stating that Magdalene is not a verified new media and therefore did not enjoy the protection accorded news media outlets and journalists under the 1999 Press Law.
The ministry invoked a degree issued in March by Minister Meutia Hafid, who is a former journalist, that allowed members of the public to call on the government to request social media platforms take down content that incited public unrest, within four hours of notification. Platforms risk losing their operating license if they fail to comply.
Meanwhile, Saiful Mujani, a political scholar and founding director of leading surveying agency Saiful Mujani Research and Consulting (SMRC), has endured widespread attacks on social media since his call for a people’s power movement to impeach President Prabowo Subianto.
Muhammad Qodari, a staff member of the Presidential Office, said that as a political scholar Saiful should have known better that his remarks for impeachment would fall outside the Constitution, and netizens quickly raised the ante to describe it as treason.
Soon enough, several private individuals and groups filed a criminal complaint with the Jakarta Police against Saiful, not for treason, which is punishable by 15 years in prison, but for inciting violence and insurrection, punishable by four years’ jail time. They also named Islah Bahrawi, an activist of the Nahdlatul Ulama Islamic mass organization and a long-time critic of the government, in the same dossier.
Ubedilah Badrun, a political scholar at University Negeri Jakarta, has also been reported to the police by private groups for questioning the legality of the 2024 election of Prabowo and running mate Gibran Rakabuming Raka, and for describing the pair as “burden on the state”.
The government is not short of friends and supporters who would do its bidding to counter government critics. This week, a group of drivers of app-based transportation services, staged a protest outside the SMRC office, demanding Saiful publicly apologize for his remarks about impeaching Prabowo.
These moves against critical voices followed President Prabowo’s March 13 remarks in a Cabinet meeting in which he threatened “to put in order” critics for being unpatriotic. Cabinet Secretary Teddy Indra Wijaya later followed this up with his claim that Indonesia is suffering from an ‘inflation” in the number of experts who choose to ignore the government’s many achievements and surveys that show the President enjoying high approval ratings.
Whether or not the instigators of the crackdown against government critics took their cue from the President, these episodes show the breadth of methods to silence them, from the use of terrorism as in the acid attack, the law as in the criminal reports filed with the police, to finding administrative/technical faults as in the case of censoring the magazine.
Usually, or historically at least, moves against government critics have chilling effects on other critics and media. In the absence of the government denouncing this online and offline harassment and even terrorism against government critics, these incidents are likely to increase.
