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Finance

Indonesia’s financial sector has been flourishing over the past half decade. The COVID-19 pandemic period, while being a time of austerity for most sectors, led to revolutionary innovations in Indonesia’s financial services industry, particularly in fintech. From December 2020 to December 2022, total assets of the fintech sector grew by 48.54 percent from 2020 to 2022. This growing trend continued even after the pandemic lockdowns ended, as total assets in fintech grew by 30.8 percent from December 2022 to December 2023.

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Finance

Indonesia’s financial sector has been flourishing over the past half decade. The COVID-19 pandemic period, while being a time of austerity for most sectors, led to revolutionary innovations in Indonesia’s financial services industry, particularly in fintech. From December 2020 to December 2022, total assets of the fintech sector grew by 48.54 percent from 2020 to 2022. This growing trend continued even after the pandemic lockdowns ended, as total assets in fintech grew by 30.8 percent from December 2022 to December 2023.

With fintech paving the way forward, traditional banking followed suit by revolutionizing its services. From 2022 to 2023, the banking industry’s fund distribution increased by 6.28 percent, source of funds increased by 6.33 percent, and total assets in the industry grew by 6.98 percent, reaching a total of US$8.22 trillion. Moreover, even regional banks have been benefitting from this wave of innovation. For the same period from 2022 to 2023, the regional banking sector saw a 7.67 percent in distributed funds, an 8.08 percent increase in source of funds, and a 7.52 percent increase in total assets, reaching a total of US$137.96 billion.

Innovations in Indonesia’s finance sector extend beyond financial services. On September 2023, the Indonesian monetary authority, Bank Indonesia (BI), introduced three pro-market monetary instruments that function as short-term fixed income securities with high coupon rates. The three instruments, SRBI, SUVBI, and SUVBI, were able to collect Rp 409 trillion (US$25.2 billion), US$2.31 billion, and US$387 million, respectively.

Particularly in the case of the SRBI, this instrument represented an innovative way to attract capital flow from abroad during a period of high credit costs and slow investment. Approximately 20.77 percent, or Rp 85.02 trillion (US$ 5.26 billion), of the total outstanding SRBI were owned by non-Indonesian residents, underscoring the SRBI’s success as a monetary instrument.

Even when compared to other countries in the same region, the Indonesian finance sector stands out for its stability against fluctuations. Throughout 2023, the global cost of credit was high due to hawkish Fed policies made to curb US inflation, resulting in a stagnation of capital flow on a global scale. Entering the second quarter of 2024, the composite index of many Southeast Asian countries such as Singapore and Thailand recorded price decreases compared to the same period last year, reaching -3.96 percent and -13.9 percent on the Straits Times Index (STI) and the Bangkok SET index, respectively. Meanwhile, the Jakarta Stock Exchange Composite Index (JKSE) recorded a price increase of 5.18 percent for the same one-year period.

In summary, the Indonesian financial sector stands out for its stability and consistency, maintaining growth through innovation even during periods of austerity or global uncertainty. This consistency is also reflected in its GDP, which grew by 7.4 percent from 2022 to 2023, contributing roughly 4.16 percent to the national GDP in 2023.

Latest News

May 26, 2026

The tensions between China and the United States, which have seen the two superpowers at loggerheads in recent years, have eased following a meeting between leaders Xi Jinping and Donald Trump in Beijing on May 14-15. The long-awaited summit provided a temporary pause in the rivalry, injecting a measure of stability into a world currently haunted by wars, trade disputes and a looming global economic crisis triggered by rising oil prices. At the very least, the two leaders were talking rather than fighting.

However, whatever agreements they struck, and neither side has revealed much, it is clear they failed to produce solutions to end the conflicts in the Middle East and Ukraine, leaving the global economy stuck in the doldrums. And while they appear to have de-escalated their bilateral trade dispute, the world must wait to see how this truce will ripple across other economies.

Crucially, there was no resolution to the conflict the US is waging against Iran. Trump had hoped Xi would side with Washington to curtail Iran’s nuclear weapons program, only to be told that the issue must be resolved through negotiation rather than force. Furthermore, Xi flatly rejected Trump’s request to help secure the Strait of Hormuz, a vital maritime chokepoint controlled by Iran through which much of China’s oil passes.

This impasse is bad news for President Prabowo Subianto, whose economic policies hinge on the assumption that the conflict with Iran will soon end. Unlike many of Indonesia’s Asian neighbors, Prabowo has resisted raising domestic gasoline prices and has largely maintained robust government spending. This includes funding for his popular signature policy, the free nutritious meal program for schoolchildren.

To maintain these policies, Prabowo has allowed government deficit spending to climb close to the legally mandated 3 percent cap. However, his optimism is not shared by the markets, international investors or an increasingly anxious Indonesian public. The rupiah has plunged to historic lows and continues to slide, while the local stock market has nosedived, particularly following downgrades by global rating agencies, including MSCI.

Indonesia has been banking heavily on a swift conclusion to the Iran conflict, regardless of who emerges victorious. A prolonged war will severely damage the domestic economy and eventually force Prabowo to implement drastic, unpopular fiscal measures. Even without a hike in fuel prices, the costs of food and other basic commodities are already climbing. Indonesia, which relies heavily on imports for its fuel needs, has been scrambling to secure alternative energy supplies to replace those typically shipped through the Strait of Hormuz.

Another reason Indonesia and the wider Southeast Asian region should view the Xi-Trump summit with concern is that the two leaders completely bypassed the primary security issue affecting the region: the growing tension in the South China Sea. This waterway is equally vital to international trade, yet China maintains overlapping territorial claims there with several ASEAN member states.

Recent months have seen frequent skirmishes between the navies of China and the Philippines, the latter of which holds a formal defense alliance with the US. Neighboring nations are warily watching these developments to see how Washington will respond beyond its standard invocation of "freedom of navigation" principles. China continues to claim nearly the entire South China Sea, an area that encroaches upon Indonesia’s exclusive economic zone in the Natuna waters.

While the US maintains a powerful presence in Asia through its network of allies, the extent to which it would intervene in a direct regional conflict remains an open question.

The Beijing summit did address the issue of Taiwan, with Xi testing Washington’s traditional policy of “strategic ambiguity.” During the meeting, the Chinese leader reportedly warned that mishandling Taiwan could drag the two superpowers into direct conflict. Meanwhile, Trump faces intense domestic pressure at home to approve a US$14 billion arms sale to Taipei.

Against the backdrop of this intensifying geopolitical rivalry, it remains unclear where non-aligned Indonesia stands. In the initial months following his October 2024 inauguration, Prabowo appeared to lean toward Beijing, choosing China as his very first overseas destination as president and signing several bilateral deals.

However, this trajectory shifted after Trump unleashed a wave of tariff wars against much of the world, including Indonesia, in April 2025. In response, Prabowo began warming up to Washington. He personally intervened in bilateral trade negotiations to offer concessions and joined Trump’s newly established Board of Peace, aimed at addressing the Gaza war and subsequent reconstruction. Prabowo even went so far as to offer Indonesian troops to serve under US command to supervise peace efforts in Gaza.

Yet, despite meeting Trump multiple times during the creation of the Board of Peace, Prabowo has still not made an official state visit to the White House, a subtle indicator that bilateral ties may not be as warm as they appear superficially.

Underscoring this diplomatic balancing act, unconfirmed reports suggest that Prabowo is already planning a return visit to China this coming June.

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