Sector
Finance
Indonesia’s financial sector has been flourishing over the past half decade. The COVID-19 pandemic period, while being a time of austerity for most sectors, led to revolutionary innovations in Indonesia’s financial services industry, particularly in fintech. From December 2020 to December 2022, total assets of the fintech sector grew by 48.54 percent from 2020 to 2022. This growing trend continued even after the pandemic lockdowns ended, as total assets in fintech grew by 30.8 percent from December 2022 to December 2023.
View moreFinance
Indonesia’s financial sector has been flourishing over the past half decade. The COVID-19 pandemic period, while being a time of austerity for most sectors, led to revolutionary innovations in Indonesia’s financial services industry, particularly in fintech. From December 2020 to December 2022, total assets of the fintech sector grew by 48.54 percent from 2020 to 2022. This growing trend continued even after the pandemic lockdowns ended, as total assets in fintech grew by 30.8 percent from December 2022 to December 2023.
With fintech paving the way forward, traditional banking followed suit by revolutionizing its services. From 2022 to 2023, the banking industry’s fund distribution increased by 6.28 percent, source of funds increased by 6.33 percent, and total assets in the industry grew by 6.98 percent, reaching a total of US$8.22 trillion. Moreover, even regional banks have been benefitting from this wave of innovation. For the same period from 2022 to 2023, the regional banking sector saw a 7.67 percent in distributed funds, an 8.08 percent increase in source of funds, and a 7.52 percent increase in total assets, reaching a total of US$137.96 billion.
Innovations in Indonesia’s finance sector extend beyond financial services. On September 2023, the Indonesian monetary authority, Bank Indonesia (BI), introduced three pro-market monetary instruments that function as short-term fixed income securities with high coupon rates. The three instruments, SRBI, SUVBI, and SUVBI, were able to collect Rp 409 trillion (US$25.2 billion), US$2.31 billion, and US$387 million, respectively.
Particularly in the case of the SRBI, this instrument represented an innovative way to attract capital flow from abroad during a period of high credit costs and slow investment. Approximately 20.77 percent, or Rp 85.02 trillion (US$ 5.26 billion), of the total outstanding SRBI were owned by non-Indonesian residents, underscoring the SRBI’s success as a monetary instrument.
Even when compared to other countries in the same region, the Indonesian finance sector stands out for its stability against fluctuations. Throughout 2023, the global cost of credit was high due to hawkish Fed policies made to curb US inflation, resulting in a stagnation of capital flow on a global scale. Entering the second quarter of 2024, the composite index of many Southeast Asian countries such as Singapore and Thailand recorded price decreases compared to the same period last year, reaching -3.96 percent and -13.9 percent on the Straits Times Index (STI) and the Bangkok SET index, respectively. Meanwhile, the Jakarta Stock Exchange Composite Index (JKSE) recorded a price increase of 5.18 percent for the same one-year period.
In summary, the Indonesian financial sector stands out for its stability and consistency, maintaining growth through innovation even during periods of austerity or global uncertainty. This consistency is also reflected in its GDP, which grew by 7.4 percent from 2022 to 2023, contributing roughly 4.16 percent to the national GDP in 2023.
Latest News
For nearly four months wildfires have ravaged Indonesia, exposing acute, systemic failures in government response and law enforcement. While the ongoing dry spell has exacerbated the crisis, suspected corporate land clearing by burning points to a deliberate, recurring practice that authorities have repeatedly failed to halt.
The scale of the destruction is alarming. At an emergency meeting with President Prabowo Subianto on Oct. 12, the National Disaster Mitigation Agency (BNPB) reported that 129,899.6 hectares of peatland had burned across six priority provinces: Central Kalimantan, South Kalimantan, West Kalimantan, South Sumatra, Jambi and Riau. Although officials claimed most blazes had been extinguished, active firefighting continued across another 639.2 ha. Furthermore, these figures omitted fires that had been burning unchecked across Papua for weeks.
Prabowo’s downplaying of the crisis, insisting that only a small area was still ablaze, contradicts the humanitarian toll on the ground. By Oct. 13, cases of respiratory infections linked to toxic haze had reached 283,270 across seven provinces.
Air quality measurements expose the depth of the public health emergency. On Oct. 15, the air quality index (AQI) in Pangkalan Bun, Central Kalimantan, spiked to a staggering 982, more than three times the minimum for the “hazardous” level, while Pontianak in West Kalimantan logged 280, near the upper range of the “very unhealthy” level. Even Jakarta, notorious for chronic pollution, recorded a far lower AQI of 176. Progress cannot be measured merely by hectares extinguished; it must be judged by the state's capacity to protect human lungs and prevent recurrent catastrophe.
The fallout has long breached national borders: Singapore recorded its highest PM2.5 readings of the year on Oct. 14, Timor-Leste shuttered classrooms for three days starting on Oct. 15, and Malaysia closed schools across several states as transboundary haze intensified. The crisis has evolved from an internal ecological disaster into a regional health and diplomatic liability.
Public patience has run out. Grassroots outrage has surged across social media, where campaigns like “Our Forests Are Still Burning” have amassed millions of shares. Yet the backlash targets not only environmental devastation but also presidential priorities. While millions choke on toxic smoke, President Prabowo has maintained routine appearances at soccer events and taken foreign trips. Whatever diplomatic or political justifications these engagements carry, the optical disconnect is glaring: a presidency conducting business as usual while citizens gasp for clean air.
The fury has migrated to the streets. On Oct. 13, student protesters picketed the South Sumatra Police headquarters in Palembang, demanding criminal accountability for corporate fire starters. The previous week on Oct. 5, they had rallied outside the South Sumatra Governor’s office demanding transparency in wildfire management expenditure, real enforcement against offending agribusinesses and institutional accountability.
El Nino alone cannot serve as an alibi. In South Sumatra's Ogan Komering Ilir regency, firefighters from the Forestry Ministry’s Manggala Agni brigade uncovered burned plots in Pedamaran district that had been leveled by heavy machinery and prepared for planting, while neighboring oil palm concessions remained untouched. The site bore all the hallmarks of intentional arson to facilitate cheap plantation expansion.
The state’s diplomatic posturing has also invited skepticism. After Japan deployed Self-Defense Forces helicopters to help fight blazes in Kalimantan throughout September, Indonesia abruptly terminated the mission on Sept. 29, saying it could handle the rest domestically. Neighbors Malaysia and Singapore have likewise offered assistance.
The national emergency apparatus is undeniably active: Tens of thousands of personnel are deployed alongside heavy-duty pumps and deep well rigs. However, self-reliance is admirable only when backed by results. When toxic haze crosses international boundaries, national pride must yield to regional responsibility.
Subsurface peat fires are notoriously obstinate, smoldering underground for weeks before flaring anew. But precisely because these conditions are well understood, prevention must take precedence. Indonesia has grappled with this disaster cycle for decades; nothing about this year’s crisis was unpredictable.
The fundamental flaw remains the chasm between reactive mobilization and structural prevention. Credible governance demands year-round surveillance, early intervention, firm prosecution of corporate culprits and total transparency in burned area data. When civil society groups document burned acreage far exceeding official reports, public trust erodes.
Prabowo’s rhetorical calls for prevention will mean nothing if enforcement lapses persist before the next dry season. The government must blacklist culpable firms, protect peatlands and prosecute offenders before seasonal haze hardens into an annual public health crisis. These wildfires are a test of whether Indonesia can enforce its own laws, protect its populace and honor its international commitments. Quelling the flames is not enough; the state must end the culture of impunity that ignites them.
