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Finance
Indonesia’s financial sector has been flourishing over the past half decade. The COVID-19 pandemic period, while being a time of austerity for most sectors, led to revolutionary innovations in Indonesia’s financial services industry, particularly in fintech. From December 2020 to December 2022, total assets of the fintech sector grew by 48.54 percent from 2020 to 2022. This growing trend continued even after the pandemic lockdowns ended, as total assets in fintech grew by 30.8 percent from December 2022 to December 2023.
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Finance
Indonesia’s financial sector has been flourishing over the past half decade. The COVID-19 pandemic period, while being a time of austerity for most sectors, led to revolutionary innovations in Indonesia’s financial services industry, particularly in fintech. From December 2020 to December 2022, total assets of the fintech sector grew by 48.54 percent from 2020 to 2022. This growing trend continued even after the pandemic lockdowns ended, as total assets in fintech grew by 30.8 percent from December 2022 to December 2023.
With fintech paving the way forward, traditional banking followed suit by revolutionizing its services. From 2022 to 2023, the banking industry’s fund distribution increased by 6.28 percent, source of funds increased by 6.33 percent, and total assets in the industry grew by 6.98 percent, reaching a total of US$8.22 trillion. Moreover, even regional banks have been benefitting from this wave of innovation. For the same period from 2022 to 2023, the regional banking sector saw a 7.67 percent in distributed funds, an 8.08 percent increase in source of funds, and a 7.52 percent increase in total assets, reaching a total of US$137.96 billion.
Innovations in Indonesia’s finance sector extend beyond financial services. On September 2023, the Indonesian monetary authority, Bank Indonesia (BI), introduced three pro-market monetary instruments that function as short-term fixed income securities with high coupon rates. The three instruments, SRBI, SUVBI, and SUVBI, were able to collect Rp 409 trillion (US$25.2 billion), US$2.31 billion, and US$387 million, respectively.
Particularly in the case of the SRBI, this instrument represented an innovative way to attract capital flow from abroad during a period of high credit costs and slow investment. Approximately 20.77 percent, or Rp 85.02 trillion (US$ 5.26 billion), of the total outstanding SRBI were owned by non-Indonesian residents, underscoring the SRBI’s success as a monetary instrument.
Even when compared to other countries in the same region, the Indonesian finance sector stands out for its stability against fluctuations. Throughout 2023, the global cost of credit was high due to hawkish Fed policies made to curb US inflation, resulting in a stagnation of capital flow on a global scale. Entering the second quarter of 2024, the composite index of many Southeast Asian countries such as Singapore and Thailand recorded price decreases compared to the same period last year, reaching -3.96 percent and -13.9 percent on the Straits Times Index (STI) and the Bangkok SET index, respectively. Meanwhile, the Jakarta Stock Exchange Composite Index (JKSE) recorded a price increase of 5.18 percent for the same one-year period.
In summary, the Indonesian financial sector stands out for its stability and consistency, maintaining growth through innovation even during periods of austerity or global uncertainty. This consistency is also reflected in its GDP, which grew by 7.4 percent from 2022 to 2023, contributing roughly 4.16 percent to the national GDP in 2023.
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The corruption scandal engulfing the National Nutrition Agency (BGN) has significantly amplified public skepticism toward President Prabowo Subianto’s flagship free nutritious meal program. What began as policy criticism has since escalated into street protests.
By late June 2026, the Attorney General’s Office (AGO) had named six suspects in an alleged graft case involving the governance of the program for the 2025–2026 fiscal years. The suspects include three former senior BGN officials, alongside Asep Yusuf Somantri, a close associate of former BGN deputy head Sony Sonjaya; Andri Mulyono, a commissioner at PT Yasa Artha Trimanunggal; and Glory Harimas Sihombing, chairman of the Indonesia Food Security Review Foundation.
The investigation deepened when Sonjaya reportedly disclosed 41 names allegedly involved in the illicit trading of Nutrition Fulfillment Service Unit (SPPG) locations. While Sonjaya sought justice collaborator status, prosecutors rejected the request, arguing that he functioned as a principal actor rather than a secondary participant capable of exposing higher-ranking figures. Meanwhile, the AGO has left open the possibility of questioning the newly appointed BGN head, Naniek S. Deyang. Because Deyang previously served as the agency's deputy head, her promotion has drawn sharp scrutiny from observers who argue that promises of institutional reform ring hollow when leadership changes amount to little more than an internal reshuffle.
Constitutional review petitions challenging the diversion of education funds for the free meals program are currently being examined by the Constitutional Court. Chief Justice Suhartoyo indicated that the court aims to conclude its review of the three petitions by the end of June, with formal rulings expected in July. This judicial process will be pivotal, not only for determining the legitimacy of this specific funding mechanism but also for clarifying the limits of executive discretion over constitutionally protected public resources.
As these legal battles unfold, public opposition on the ground has intensified. Dissatisfaction has manifested in a wave of nationwide demonstrations, accompanied by broader criticism of President Prabowo's governing style, which protesters link to contemporary economic hardships. This unrest has mobilized diverse coalitions of students, women's groups and civil society members across major urban centers, including Makassar, South Sulawesi; Denpasar, Bali; Bandung, West Java; Semarang, Central Java; and Jakarta.
Political researchers argue that this widespread friction cannot be uncoupled from perceptions of an increasingly centralized, top-down governance model. The fact that dissent now extends well beyond traditional student movements suggests that concerns over the program are no longer confined to political activists, but are resonating deeply at the grassroots level.
Conversely, a distinct counter-mobilization has surfaced. Employees and operators of the SPPGs recently rallied near the National Monument in Jakarta to voice their support for the initiative. Teachers, students, kitchen staff and service unit owners participated in the demonstration, emphasizing the program's tangible nutritional benefits and demanding its uninterrupted continuation.
However, political observers caution against interpreting these pro-program rallies as entirely spontaneous expressions of public goodwill. Governments facing crises of legitimacy have historically relied on structured counter-narratives and organized support bases to reshape public perception.
The timing of these pro-free meals demonstrations is also telling, coinciding with the BGN's decision to temporarily suspend the program during the 18-day school vacation period. During this hiatus, SPPG operators forfeit the Rp 6 million (US$335) daily operational incentives typically provided by the government.
Even if support for the continuation of the program is entirely authentic, it is heavily viewed through the lens of economic self-interest. This shifts the broader debate surrounding who truly represents the program’s rightful beneficiaries. While the initiative was originally designed to improve childhood nutrition and elevate educational outcomes, the controversy has increasingly centered on the commercial actors embedded within its implementation chain.
