Sector
Fishery
Indonesia, boasting the title of the world’s largest archipelagic country with a vast sea area of 5.8 million square kilometers, stands as one of the largest producers and suppliers in the global fisheries market. The abundance of sea area provides Indonesia with a wealth of fisheries products, making fisheries a national leading sector in the country.
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Indonesia, boasting the title of the world’s largest archipelagic country with a vast sea area of 5.8 million square kilometers, stands as one of the largest producers and suppliers in the global fisheries market. The abundance of sea area provides Indonesia with a wealth of fisheries products, making fisheries a national leading sector in the country.
There are 23 regions where fisheries stand out as a leading sector, supporting local economies and providing food security. These regions encompass Aceh, Bengkulu, Riau, Lampung, South Sumatra, Central Java, Bali, West Nusa Tenggara, East Nusa Tenggara, Central Kalimantan, South Kalimantan and North Kalimantan. Other regions include Central Sulawesi, Southeast Sulawesi, South Sulawesi, West Sulawesi, North Sulawesi, Gorontalo, Maluku, North Maluku, Papua, West Papua, and Bangka Belitung.
In 2022, Indonesia’s fisheries sector contributed a total of Rp505 trillion to the country’s gross domestic product (GDP). Building this strong foundation, the country set an ambitious target of reaching US$7.2 billion in fishery exports by the end of 2023. Previously, total fishery product exports had hovered around US$5 billion to US$6 billion.
Supporting the sector’s contribution to the country’s GDP is its production. Throughout the third quarter of 2023, Indonesia’s fisheries production totaled 24.74 million tons. This figure includes both capture fisheries and aquaculture. In aquaculture, the main commodities are seaweed cultivation and shrimp cultivation, while in capture fisheries, the main commodities are tuna, skipjack tuna, and mackerel tuna.
Furthermore, Indonesia’s fisheries sector is experiencing a surge in investment. By the third quarter of 2023, the sector had attracted a total of Rp9.56 trillion in investment, with significant contributions from a mix of domestic sources at Rp5.32 trillion, foreign investors at Rp1.4 trillion, and credit sources at Rp2.84 trillion. Notably, China is the largest foreign investor, contributing Rp370.74 billion, followed by Malaysia with Rp240.4 billion, and Switzerland with Rp152.89 billion, highlighting the increasing international interest in Indonesia’s fisheries potential.
While Indonesia boasts impressive fisheries production and growing investments in its fisheries sector, it is vital to uphold fisheries regulations. These regulations ensure that this valuable sector thrives alongside healthy marine ecosystems. It is reported that Indonesia is scheduled to enforce a new fisheries policy in 2025, which will see quotas assigned to industrial, local, and non-commercial fishers across six designated fishing zones, covering all 11 fisheries management areas (FMAs) in Indonesia. The new quota system responds to a worrying rise in overexploited FMAs, which have increased to 53 percent from 44 percent in 2017.
Latest News
Three government critics have been reported to the police for something they said in public while an online magazine has seen the circulation of an Instagram article restricted, further evidence of Indonesia’s shrinking civic space. These incidents happened not long after the March 12 acid attack against a human rights activist, an attack which the military and police have blamed on members of the Indonesian Military (TNI) intelligence agency.
The Military Police have yet to disclose the identity of the perpetrators or the motive for the acid attack against Andrie Yunus of the Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (Kontras), more than one month after the attack. The Military Police took over the investigation from the police’s hands the moment the latter found links to the TNI.
The public remains in the dark about the incident other than that four members of the TNI’s Strategic Intelligence Agency (BAIS) are under investigation, and that BAIS chief Lt. Gen. Yudi Abrimantyo resigned because of the attack but without disclosing his own role.
Civil society organizations are pressing for an independent investigation to be credible and for the perpetrators to be tried in a civilian court rather than a military tribunal.
Magdalene.co, an online feminist magazine, fell prey to official censorship when its Instagram article reporting on an independent investigation into Andrie’s attack was blocked to Indonesian users. The investigation, by a group of civil society organizations and also published in other news outlets, indicate a larger and sinister operation by the military, certainly involving more than the four alleged perpetrators.
The Communications and Digital Ministry restored the content after public protests, but not before stating that Magdalene is not a verified new media and therefore did not enjoy the protection accorded news media outlets and journalists under the 1999 Press Law.
The ministry invoked a degree issued in March by Minister Meutia Hafid, who is a former journalist, that allowed members of the public to call on the government to request social media platforms take down content that incited public unrest, within four hours of notification. Platforms risk losing their operating license if they fail to comply.
Meanwhile, Saiful Mujani, a political scholar and founding director of leading surveying agency Saiful Mujani Research and Consulting (SMRC), has endured widespread attacks on social media since his call for a people’s power movement to impeach President Prabowo Subianto.
Muhammad Qodari, a staff member of the Presidential Office, said that as a political scholar Saiful should have known better that his remarks for impeachment would fall outside the Constitution, and netizens quickly raised the ante to describe it as treason.
Soon enough, several private individuals and groups filed a criminal complaint with the Jakarta Police against Saiful, not for treason, which is punishable by 15 years in prison, but for inciting violence and insurrection, punishable by four years’ jail time. They also named Islah Bahrawi, an activist of the Nahdlatul Ulama Islamic mass organization and a long-time critic of the government, in the same dossier.
Ubedilah Badrun, a political scholar at University Negeri Jakarta, has also been reported to the police by private groups for questioning the legality of the 2024 election of Prabowo and running mate Gibran Rakabuming Raka, and for describing the pair as “burden on the state”.
The government is not short of friends and supporters who would do its bidding to counter government critics. This week, a group of drivers of app-based transportation services, staged a protest outside the SMRC office, demanding Saiful publicly apologize for his remarks about impeaching Prabowo.
These moves against critical voices followed President Prabowo’s March 13 remarks in a Cabinet meeting in which he threatened “to put in order” critics for being unpatriotic. Cabinet Secretary Teddy Indra Wijaya later followed this up with his claim that Indonesia is suffering from an ‘inflation” in the number of experts who choose to ignore the government’s many achievements and surveys that show the President enjoying high approval ratings.
Whether or not the instigators of the crackdown against government critics took their cue from the President, these episodes show the breadth of methods to silence them, from the use of terrorism as in the acid attack, the law as in the criminal reports filed with the police, to finding administrative/technical faults as in the case of censoring the magazine.
Usually, or historically at least, moves against government critics have chilling effects on other critics and media. In the absence of the government denouncing this online and offline harassment and even terrorism against government critics, these incidents are likely to increase.
