Sector
Fishery
Indonesia, boasting the title of the world’s largest archipelagic country with a vast sea area of 5.8 million square kilometers, stands as one of the largest producers and suppliers in the global fisheries market. The abundance of sea area provides Indonesia with a wealth of fisheries products, making fisheries a national leading sector in the country.
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Indonesia, boasting the title of the world’s largest archipelagic country with a vast sea area of 5.8 million square kilometers, stands as one of the largest producers and suppliers in the global fisheries market. The abundance of sea area provides Indonesia with a wealth of fisheries products, making fisheries a national leading sector in the country.
There are 23 regions where fisheries stand out as a leading sector, supporting local economies and providing food security. These regions encompass Aceh, Bengkulu, Riau, Lampung, South Sumatra, Central Java, Bali, West Nusa Tenggara, East Nusa Tenggara, Central Kalimantan, South Kalimantan and North Kalimantan. Other regions include Central Sulawesi, Southeast Sulawesi, South Sulawesi, West Sulawesi, North Sulawesi, Gorontalo, Maluku, North Maluku, Papua, West Papua, and Bangka Belitung.
In 2022, Indonesia’s fisheries sector contributed a total of Rp505 trillion to the country’s gross domestic product (GDP). Building this strong foundation, the country set an ambitious target of reaching US$7.2 billion in fishery exports by the end of 2023. Previously, total fishery product exports had hovered around US$5 billion to US$6 billion.
Supporting the sector’s contribution to the country’s GDP is its production. Throughout the third quarter of 2023, Indonesia’s fisheries production totaled 24.74 million tons. This figure includes both capture fisheries and aquaculture. In aquaculture, the main commodities are seaweed cultivation and shrimp cultivation, while in capture fisheries, the main commodities are tuna, skipjack tuna, and mackerel tuna.
Furthermore, Indonesia’s fisheries sector is experiencing a surge in investment. By the third quarter of 2023, the sector had attracted a total of Rp9.56 trillion in investment, with significant contributions from a mix of domestic sources at Rp5.32 trillion, foreign investors at Rp1.4 trillion, and credit sources at Rp2.84 trillion. Notably, China is the largest foreign investor, contributing Rp370.74 billion, followed by Malaysia with Rp240.4 billion, and Switzerland with Rp152.89 billion, highlighting the increasing international interest in Indonesia’s fisheries potential.
While Indonesia boasts impressive fisheries production and growing investments in its fisheries sector, it is vital to uphold fisheries regulations. These regulations ensure that this valuable sector thrives alongside healthy marine ecosystems. It is reported that Indonesia is scheduled to enforce a new fisheries policy in 2025, which will see quotas assigned to industrial, local, and non-commercial fishers across six designated fishing zones, covering all 11 fisheries management areas (FMAs) in Indonesia. The new quota system responds to a worrying rise in overexploited FMAs, which have increased to 53 percent from 44 percent in 2017.
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Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono's recent political messaging can be interpreted as an attempt to achieve a delicate balancing act: positioning himself and the Democratic Party as a critical voice within government without crossing the line into outright opposition. It is a strategy born from both opportunity and necessity. For Agus, the political challenge is obvious. While he remains one of Indonesia's most recognizable younger politicians, he has not consistently appeared among the top-tier contenders in most discussions about the 2029 presidential election.
The dominant attention has largely been focused on figures with stronger executive credentials, deeper political machines or higher public popularity. If Agus hopes to become a serious presidential contender, maintaining the status quo is not enough. He needs greater visibility, a more distinct political identity and a narrative that separates him from the many parties supporting the government.
This helps explain the significance of his speech. Rather than offering unconditional praise for the administration, Agus appeared to emphasize themes of accountability, governance and the need for those in power to remain responsive to public concerns. The message was notable not because it represented a complete break from the government, but because it subtly challenged the perception that coalition parties must always defend the administration's every move.
The strategy serves multiple purposes. First, it allows the Democrats to reclaim part of their traditional identity as a centrist reformist party. Since joining the governing coalition, the party has enjoyed access to government but has also risked losing its distinctiveness. In a broad coalition dominated by larger political forces, smaller parties can easily become politically invisible. By adopting a more critical tone, the Democrats can remind voters that it possesses an independent voice.
Second, it helps 48-year old Agus personally. Indonesian presidential politics tends to reward leaders who appear decisive and independent rather than excessively dependent on existing power structures. If Agus is perceived merely as another coalition politician benefiting from office, his appeal may remain limited. If he can present himself as a leader willing to speak uncomfortable truths while still acting responsibly, his profile could improve significantly ahead of 2029.
The danger for Agus is that repeated efforts to distinguish himself could eventually be interpreted by coalition partners as positioning for a future campaign at their expense. If that perception grows, the Democratic Party could find itself marginalized in decision-making, deprived of influence or ultimately pushed toward the political sidelines. Even without formal expulsion from the coalition, a party can become isolated and lose much of the practical advantage that comes from being part of government.
Yet political history suggests that such an outcome may not necessarily be disastrous. The most relevant example comes from Agus’ own father, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY). During the administration of President Megawati Soekarnoputri, SBY served as coordinating minister for political and security affairs. As tensions emerged between him and elements within the government, he increasingly appeared marginalized. His resignation and departure from the cabinet were widely interpreted as signs of political isolation.
At the time, many viewed that isolation as a setback. Instead, it became a turning point. SBY successfully transformed himself into an alternative to the incumbent establishment. By portraying himself as a capable insider who was nevertheless willing to challenge the status quo, he appealed to voters seeking change without revolutionary disruption. In the 2004 presidential election, he defeated Megawati and became Indonesia's first directly elected president.
The parallel is not exact. The political environment of 2029 will differ significantly from that of 2004. SBY entered the race with substantial public popularity, military credentials and a national profile developed through years of government service. Agus has yet to achieve a similar level of political strength. Furthermore, Indonesia's party system today is more fragmented and coalition-based than it was two decades ago.
Nevertheless, the historical lesson remains relevant. Being pushed away from power is not always politically damaging. In some circumstances, it can become a political asset if it allows a leader to embody both experience and independence. This may ultimately be the calculation behind Agus’ approach. The ideal scenario is to gain the benefits of both worlds: remain inside the governing coalition, enjoy access to executive power and simultaneously cultivate an image as a principled critic. That would increase his visibility without sacrificing influence.
The problem is that such a balance is extremely difficult to maintain. For Agus, the coming years may therefore be defined by a central political question: can he successfully become Indonesia's most prominent "critical insider," or will his attempt to create distance from power eventually force him to choose between government influence and opposition credibility?
