Sector
Fishery
Indonesia, boasting the title of the world’s largest archipelagic country with a vast sea area of 5.8 million square kilometers, stands as one of the largest producers and suppliers in the global fisheries market. The abundance of sea area provides Indonesia with a wealth of fisheries products, making fisheries a national leading sector in the country.
View moreFishery
Indonesia, boasting the title of the world’s largest archipelagic country with a vast sea area of 5.8 million square kilometers, stands as one of the largest producers and suppliers in the global fisheries market. The abundance of sea area provides Indonesia with a wealth of fisheries products, making fisheries a national leading sector in the country.
There are 23 regions where fisheries stand out as a leading sector, supporting local economies and providing food security. These regions encompass Aceh, Bengkulu, Riau, Lampung, South Sumatra, Central Java, Bali, West Nusa Tenggara, East Nusa Tenggara, Central Kalimantan, South Kalimantan and North Kalimantan. Other regions include Central Sulawesi, Southeast Sulawesi, South Sulawesi, West Sulawesi, North Sulawesi, Gorontalo, Maluku, North Maluku, Papua, West Papua, and Bangka Belitung.
In 2022, Indonesia’s fisheries sector contributed a total of Rp505 trillion to the country’s gross domestic product (GDP). Building this strong foundation, the country set an ambitious target of reaching US$7.2 billion in fishery exports by the end of 2023. Previously, total fishery product exports had hovered around US$5 billion to US$6 billion.
Supporting the sector’s contribution to the country’s GDP is its production. Throughout the third quarter of 2023, Indonesia’s fisheries production totaled 24.74 million tons. This figure includes both capture fisheries and aquaculture. In aquaculture, the main commodities are seaweed cultivation and shrimp cultivation, while in capture fisheries, the main commodities are tuna, skipjack tuna, and mackerel tuna.
Furthermore, Indonesia’s fisheries sector is experiencing a surge in investment. By the third quarter of 2023, the sector had attracted a total of Rp9.56 trillion in investment, with significant contributions from a mix of domestic sources at Rp5.32 trillion, foreign investors at Rp1.4 trillion, and credit sources at Rp2.84 trillion. Notably, China is the largest foreign investor, contributing Rp370.74 billion, followed by Malaysia with Rp240.4 billion, and Switzerland with Rp152.89 billion, highlighting the increasing international interest in Indonesia’s fisheries potential.
While Indonesia boasts impressive fisheries production and growing investments in its fisheries sector, it is vital to uphold fisheries regulations. These regulations ensure that this valuable sector thrives alongside healthy marine ecosystems. It is reported that Indonesia is scheduled to enforce a new fisheries policy in 2025, which will see quotas assigned to industrial, local, and non-commercial fishers across six designated fishing zones, covering all 11 fisheries management areas (FMAs) in Indonesia. The new quota system responds to a worrying rise in overexploited FMAs, which have increased to 53 percent from 44 percent in 2017.
Latest News
President Prabowo Subianto’s plan to give more power to the Indonesian Military (TNI) to counter terrorism raises the specter of Indonesia reverting to the days when the military practically ruled the country under President Soeharto for more than three decades.
The draft of a presidential executive order, which has been circulating among policy circles, it may have even been leaked, has prompted civil society organizations to call out Prabowo, saying that besides getting more power to oversee national security, the military under the current wording in the draft could equate government critics with terrorists.
The Civil Society Coalition for Security Sector Reforms, grouping more than 20 non-governmental organizations, recalls that Prabowo had already used the word “terrorist” in describing students as perpetrators of the violent riots in August.
The Presidential Palace said Prabowo had not signed the order but had sent notice to the House of Representatives of his intention. An executive order does not require the approval of the House although the government may invite discussions before the formal signing.
Under the Prabowo plan, the TNI’s involvement in counterterrorism includes “prevention”, which the coalition says would pave the way for domestic intelligence operations and abuse of this power to intrude into the activities of legitimate individuals and civil organizations.
While the 2018 Terrorism Law allows for military involvement, the coalition says it should be regulated by a law rather than an executive order.
If the executive order is signed, it would spell doom for democracy, the coalition warns.
Dismissing the concerns, State Secretary Prasetyo Hadi said people should not rush into drawing conclusions about the substance and impact of the decree. TNI involvement in counterterrorism measures would be conditional, he said without giving further details.
Soeharto ruled with an iron fist by frequently invoking the Subversion Law that allowed the military to take action against any threat it perceived as endangering the nation. The law, which was used to silence and jail critics, was repealed not long after he stood down in 1998.
The 2002 State Security Law provides a clear division of labor between TNI and the National Police, the first focusing on national defense against external threats, and the latter on internal security. The law, however, allows for the military to assist the police in managing internal security under certain circumstances, including in terrorism.
President Prabowo ordered the military to intervene in the midst of the nationwide violent riots in August when police were clearly overwhelmed by the unrest, some of which was directed at the police for their brutal handling of the protests.
The plan to expand the powers of the military nevertheless fits a pattern since Prabowo took office in October 2024 of giving more powers to the TNI to deal with internal security matters.
Prabowo, a retired Army general, has brought in more military figures, both active or retired, into his government. His signature program of providing free nutritious meals for 82 million schoolchildren is mostly run by military figures.
The new TNI Law expands the number of civilian jobs that active TNI officers can hold and extends the mandatory retirement age up to 65 years. The TNI is also bolstering the size of its personnel with the creation of more than 100 Army battalions. The TNI is expanding the number of territorial commands (Kodam), from originally 15 to 21 since August, and the plan is to have a Kodam in each of the 38 provinces in the country.
This contrasts with developments during much of the 15 years until 2024, when the TNI focused on building its capacity to deal with potential external threats under the Minimum Essential Force (MEF) concept. Indonesia was then spending billions of dollars on modernizing its armaments, focusing on Navy and Air Force capabilities. Even then, by 2024, Indonesia had only achieved less than 70 of the MEF target, meaning that the country remains highly vulnerable to external threats.
Now under Prabowo, the focus is more on beefing up the Army, even though the President has repeatedly warned that Indonesia must be prepared for the possibility of a World War III.
Prabowo has denied claims that he is restoring the “dual function” doctrine of the military that was used by Soeharto to justify the military’s active involvement in politics and civilian affairs besides defense.
The trend since he assumed power indicates otherwise.
TNI chief Gen. Agus Subiyanto did not mince words when he said he is not gunning for dual function, but a more “multi-function” military.
