Sector

Fishery

Indonesia, boasting the title of the world’s largest archipelagic country with a vast sea area of 5.8 million square kilometers, stands as one of the largest producers and suppliers in the global fisheries market. The abundance of sea area provides Indonesia with a wealth of fisheries products, making fisheries a national leading sector in the country.

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Fishery

Indonesia, boasting the title of the world’s largest archipelagic country with a vast sea area of 5.8 million square kilometers, stands as one of the largest producers and suppliers in the global fisheries market. The abundance of sea area provides Indonesia with a wealth of fisheries products, making fisheries a national leading sector in the country.

There are 23 regions where fisheries stand out as a leading sector, supporting local economies and providing food security. These regions encompass Aceh, Bengkulu, Riau, Lampung, South Sumatra, Central Java, Bali, West Nusa Tenggara, East Nusa Tenggara, Central Kalimantan, South Kalimantan and North Kalimantan. Other regions include Central Sulawesi, Southeast Sulawesi, South Sulawesi, West Sulawesi, North Sulawesi, Gorontalo, Maluku, North Maluku, Papua, West Papua, and Bangka Belitung.

In 2022, Indonesia’s fisheries sector contributed a total of Rp505 trillion to the country’s gross domestic product (GDP). Building this strong foundation, the country set an ambitious target of reaching US$7.2 billion in fishery exports by the end of 2023. Previously, total fishery product exports had hovered around US$5 billion to US$6 billion.

Supporting the sector’s contribution to the country’s GDP is its production. Throughout the third quarter of 2023, Indonesia’s fisheries production totaled 24.74 million tons. This figure includes both capture fisheries and aquaculture. In aquaculture, the main commodities are seaweed cultivation and shrimp cultivation, while in capture fisheries, the main commodities are tuna, skipjack tuna, and mackerel tuna.

Furthermore, Indonesia’s fisheries sector is experiencing a surge in investment. By the third quarter of 2023, the sector had attracted a total of Rp9.56 trillion in investment, with significant contributions from a mix of domestic sources at Rp5.32 trillion, foreign investors at Rp1.4 trillion, and credit sources at Rp2.84 trillion. Notably, China is the largest foreign investor, contributing Rp370.74 billion, followed by Malaysia with Rp240.4 billion, and Switzerland with Rp152.89 billion, highlighting the increasing international interest in Indonesia’s fisheries potential.

While Indonesia boasts impressive fisheries production and growing investments in its fisheries sector, it is vital to uphold fisheries regulations. These regulations ensure that this valuable sector thrives alongside healthy marine ecosystems. It is reported that Indonesia is scheduled to enforce a new fisheries policy in 2025, which will see quotas assigned to industrial, local, and non-commercial fishers across six designated fishing zones, covering all 11 fisheries management areas (FMAs) in Indonesia. The new quota system responds to a worrying rise in overexploited FMAs, which have increased to 53 percent from 44 percent in 2017.

Latest News

April 9, 2026

Three weeks after the acid attack on Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (Kontras) activist Andrie Yunus, investigators have yet to clearly identify who bears ultimate responsibility. What has drawn particular attention is the resignation of the chief of the Strategic Intelligence Agency (BAIS), framed by the Indonesian Military (TNI) as a form of institutional accountability. Yet, this raises the critical question of whether the move reflects genuine responsibility-taking by the state or signals deeper power struggles within the military.

On the evening of March 12, Andrie Yunus, an activist with Kontras, was attacked with acid while riding home in Central Jakarta. Earlier that day, he recorded a podcast discussing the military’s role in politics. The timing has sharpened concerns about possible links between his advocacy work and the assault.

As of April 1, Andrie remained in the high-care unit at Cipto Mangunkusumo General Hospital (RSCM). He is undergoing intensive treatment, particularly for his eyes, as residual acid exposure has complicated medical assessments and may result in permanent damage. Kontras has described his condition as critical.

President Prabowo Subianto has condemned the attack and pledged that investigators will pursue not only the perpetrators on the ground but also the “highest actors” behind it. He emphasized the need to uncover “who ordered and paid for” the crime and has floated the possibility of establishing an independent fact-finding team.

However, this firm stance unfolds within a layered historical context. As widely documented, Prabowo himself faced allegations of human rights abuses during his military career. While he was never tried in court, he was dismissed from the TNI in 1998 for insubordination. This juxtaposition, between past controversies and present commitments to justice, adds a layer of political complexity to the case.

On March 25, TNI spokesperson Maj. Gen. Aulia Dwi Nasrullah announced that the chief of BAIS, Lt. Gen. Yudi Abrimantyo, no longer held that position. This followed the arrest of four officers, two from the Navy and two from the Air Force, who were assigned to BAIS and are allegedly involved in the attack.

Yet, the spokesperson did not clarify whether Yudi’s removal was linked to command responsibility, internal disciplinary measures or broader institutional considerations. The ambiguity surrounding his exit has fueled speculation about the true motives behind the move.

The TNI’s response warrants closer scrutiny. Rather than being seen as a definitive act of accountability, the dismissal of the BAIS chief has been interpreted by some observers as insufficient and potentially deflective. This concern emerges against the backdrop of the military’s expanding role in civilian domains and state-linked economic activities under the current administration. Such an expansion has renewed long-standing debates over military influence in non-defense sectors.

Nicky Fahrizal, a researcher at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), noted that the case appears rooted in internal TNI dynamics, raising concerns over possible abuses of authority. While investigations are ongoing, the involvement of intelligence-linked personnel has intensified scrutiny of internal control mechanisms.

Civil society organizations have warned that the leadership change risks functioning as a form of cuci tangan (washing of hands), a symbolic gesture that falls short of addressing responsibility at higher levels of command. Muhammad Isnur, chair of the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI), argued that the resignation may obscure accountability at higher levels, including command responsibility extending to TNI leadership and even civilian authorities, particularly the defense minister. This critique shifts the focus from individual perpetrators to the broader chain of command.

At the apex of Indonesia’s military hierarchy are the TNI commander, Gen. Agus Subiyanto, and Defense Minister Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin. The commander holds ultimate operational authority, overseeing all branches of the armed forces and strategic institutions such as BAIS. Meanwhile, the defense minister is responsible for civilian oversight, including defense policy and institutional governance.

However, this formal structure is shaped by overlapping institutional backgrounds. Both Prabowo and Sjafrie are former senior military figures, creating a leadership environment closely intertwined with the TNI. This convergence produces a highly interconnected system in which military intelligence, command authority and political leadership meet at the top, making decisions such as the removal of the BAIS chief not merely administrative, but embedded within broader dynamics of power, loyalty and control.

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